BL  1451  .A47  1900 

Aiken,  Charles  Francis,  1863 

-1925. 
The  dhamma  of  Gotama  the 

■RnHrlha     snri     thp     nn.c;npl     of 


The  Dhamma  of  Gotama 
the  Buddha 


AND    THE 


Gospel  of  Jesus  the  Christ 

j^  Critical  Inquiry  into  the  Alleged  Relations  of 
Buddhism  with  Primitive  Christianity 

DISSERTATION    FOR   THE    DOCTORATE   IN  THEOLOGY  AT 
THE    CATHOLIC    UNIVERSITY    OF    AMERICA 

By  the 
Rev.  Charles  Francis  Aiken,  S.T.L. 

*  Of  the  Archdiocese  of  Boston 


BOSTON 
MARLIER    AND    COMPANY,  Limited 

IQOO 


The 

Dhamma  of  Gotama  the  Buddha 

and 

The  Gospel  of  Jesus  the  Christ 


NIHIL   OBSTAT. 

Carolus  p.  Grannan,  S.T.D.,  Ceftsor  Deputatus. 

IMPRIMATUR. 

^Joannes  Josephus,  Archiepiscopus  Bostoniensis. 


Copyright,  igoo 
By  Charles  Francis  Aiken. 


^11  righti  reserved 


Printed  at  Boston,  U.S.A. 


TO 


IHg  Scar  fflot!)cr 


Preface 

THE  work  in  hand  is  partly  the  outcome  of  a 
series  of  lectures  on  Buddhism  delivered  by 
the  author  in  the  Catholic  University  of  America. 
It  has  been  written  to  meet  a  want  keenly  felt  in 
the  field  of  Christian  Apologetics.  The  specious  at- 
tempts to  lay  the  Gospels  under  obligation  to  Bud- 
dhist teaching  have  shaken  the  faith  of  not  a  few 
Christians,  The  need  of  a  thorough  refutation  is  im- 
perative. The  few  works  in  English  vindicating  the 
independent  origin  of  Christianity  against  Buddhist 
usurpation,  —  all  of  them  by  Protestant  writers, — 
excellent  as  they  are,  dwell  too  largely  on  the  com- 
parative superiority  of  Christian  teaching,  and  do 
not  enter  in  sufficient  detail  into  a  critical  scrutiny  of 
the  alleged  proofs  of  Buddhist  influence  on  Chris- 
tianity. It  is  to  the  latter  point  that  the  author  of 
this  little  volume  has  given  his  chief  care,  contenting 
himself  with  a  brief  exposition  of  the  inferiority  of 
Buddhism  to  the  religion  of  Christ.  The  detailed 
rejection    of   spurious    evidence    has    necessitated    a 


Vlll 


Preface 


more  frequent  reference  to  the  writers  refuted  than 
would  otherwise  have  been  made ;  but  in  the  con- 
troversial parts  he  has  sought  to  be  courteous  and 
fair.  The  exposition  of  Brahmanism  and  Buddhism, 
so  necessary  for  the  proper  understanding  of  the 
main  thesis,  will  be  found  to  have  a  value  independ- 
ently of  the  part  that  follows.  While  striving  at  a 
cost  of  much  labor  to  attain  to  thoroughness  and 
accuracy,  the  author  has  aimed  to  produce  a  work 
that  may  be  read  with  interest  and  profit  by  those 
who  are  strangers  to  the  subject  of  which  it  treats. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 


PART    I.— THE    ANTECEDENTS   OF 
BUDDHISM  —  BRAHMANISM 

CHAPTER   I 

Page 
Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites 3 

The  Aryan  invaders  of  India  —  Their  gods  chiefly  nature- 
deities —  Monotheistic  tendencies  —  The  sacrifices  — 
Worship  of  the  pitris  —  Rude  superstitions  —  Transition 
to  Brahmanism  —  Elaborate  liturgy  —  Sacredness  of  the 
sacrifice  —  The  Agni-hotra  —  The  sacred  Vedas  —  Sacred 
formulae  —  Purificatory  rites  —  Retribution  of  good  and 
evil  deeds,  transmigration,  karma  —  Brahman  religion 
more  than  an  empty  formalism. 

CHAPTER   II 
Social  and  Religious  Institutions 16 

The  caste-system  —  Brahmans,  Kshatriyas,  Vaisyas,  Sudras 

—  Brahmans  first  in  dignity  —  Unequal  distribution  of 
privileges  —  Rigid  caste-rules  —  Sudras  excluded  from 
the  Vedic  rites  —  Studentship  of  the  three  upper  castes  — 
Ceremony  of  initiation  —  Ascetic  life  of  the  student  — 
Marriage  —  Rigid  caste-rule  for  the  choice  of  the  first 
wife  —  Polygamy  allowed  —  Low  estimate  of  woman  — 
Duties  of  the  wife  —  The  religious  duties  of  the  house- 
holder—  Sraddha  feasts  in  honor  of  the  dead  —  Ascetics 

—  Their  rule  af  life  —  Their  incredible  mortifications  — 
The  practice  of  Yoga  —  Vows  of  the  ascetic. 


Contents 


CHAPTER    III 

Page 
Rules  of  Conduct 32 

Multiplicity  of  Brahman  restrictions  —  Arbitrary  and  ab- 
surd rules  —  Food-restrictions,  especially  as  to  flesh-meat 
and  spirituous  liquors —  Penalty  for  drinking  sura  —  Con- 
tempt for  manual  labor —  Occupations  held  to  be  degrad- 
ing and  impure  —  Precautions  observed  in  drinking  and 
walking  out  of  regard  for  insect  life  —  High  standard  of 
ethics — Insistence  on  forgiveness  of  injuries  —  Moral 
significance  of  thoughts  clearly  recognized — Choice  ex- 
amples of  Brahman  wisdom. 

CHAPTER   IV 

Pantheistic  Speculations 45 

The  development  towards  monotheism  :  Prajapati-Brahman 

—  The  rise  of  pantheistic  speculations  —  The  Upanishads 

—  Brahman-Atman-Purusha  identified  with  all  things  — 
The  incomprehensibility  of  Brahman  —  Maya — Rebirth 
and  misery  due  to  maya  —  Brahman  pessimism —  Recog- 
nition of  man's  identity  with  Brahman  the  only  means  of 
salvation  —  Absorption  into  Brahman  the  true  end  of 
man  —  Pantheism  subversive  of  traditional  Brahmanism, 
though  nominally  in  harmony  with  it. 


PART   IL  — BUDDHISM 

CHAPTER   I 

The  Founder,  Buddha 63 

Brahman  pantheism  popular  with  the  caste  of  warriors  — 
It  gives  rise  to  rival  sects,  one  of  which  is  Buddhism  — 
Of   Buddha  but  little    known   for    certain — His    father 


Contents  xi 

Page 
not   a   king    but    a    petty    raja  —  His    birthplace  —  His 

various  names — His  education  and  marriage  —  His 
abandonment  of  home  for  the  ascetic  life  —  His  long 
period  of  missionary  activity  —  The  Buddha-Legend  — 
Miraculous  conception  and  birth  —  Asita  —  Life  in  the 
palace  of  pleasure  —  The  flight  from  home  —  Mortifica- 
tions —  The  Bodhi-tree  —  Mara's  temptations  —  Supreme 
enlightenment  —  First  preaching  at  Benares  —  Conver- 
sions—  Devadatta — The  fatal  meal  with  Chunda — The 
painful  journey  to  Kusinara  —  Under  the  Sala-trees  — 
Subhadda  —  Buddha's  last  words  —  Obsequies  —  Divi- 
sion of  relics  —  Estimate  of  Buddha's  character. 

CHAPTER    II 

The  Law,  Dhamma 87 

Deliverance  from  suffering  the  aim  of  Buddhism  —  The 
Four  Great  Truths  — (i)  The  truth  of  suffering  — 
Buddhist  pessimism — (2)  The  cause  of  suffering:  desire 
and  ignorance  —  Karma  and  rebirth  —  (3)  'J'he  extinc- 
tion of  suffering  through  the  extinction  of  desire  —  Nir- 
vana, of  the  living,  of  the  dead  —  The  Buddhist  view  of 
the  soul  —  The  joyful  element  in  Buddhism  —  Nirvana 
supplemented  by  the  Brahman  paradise,  swarga  —  The 
latter  the  more  popular  conception  —  (4)  The  eightfold 
path  to  Nirvana  —  Comparison  of  the  Buddhist  with  the 
Brahman  standard  of  ethics  —  The  five  great  duties  — 
Attitude  of  Buddhism  towards  suicide  —  Gentleness  and 
forgiveness  of  injuries  —  Examples  of  Buddhist  wisdom. 


CHAPTER    III 

The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha 108 

Celibacy  exacted  of  Buddha's  followers — Severe  attitude 
towards  marriage — Poverty  and  asceticism  also  requi- 
site—  Excessive  austerities  avoided  —  Alms  the  means  of 
subsistence  :  hence  the  name  Bhikkhus  —  Neither  manual 


Page 


xii  Contents 

labor  nor  works  of  charity  in  harmony  with  Buddhist 
discipline — Distinctions  of  birth  ignored — Buddha  not 
asocial  reformer  —  The  Novitiate  —  Rite  of  initiation  — 
Rule  of  life  —  Clothing  and  food  —  Avoidance  of  luxuries 
and  worldly  amusements  —  Cleanliness  exacted  —  Precau- 
tions to  be  observed  in  traversing  the  village  and  in  the 
presence  of  women  — The  rite  of  confession,  the  Patimok- 
kha  —  The  retreat  during  the  rainy  season,  Vassa — Med- 
itation—  Grades  of  perfection  —  Bhikkhunis  —  The  lay 
element  in  Buddhism. 


CHAPTER    IV 

The  History  of  Buddhism 129 

Religious  Developments  —  The  existence  of  the  Brah- 
man gods  recognized  in  primitive  Buddhism,  but  man's 
dependence  on  them  denied  —  Hence  no  rites  of  worship 

—  Devotion  to  the  gods  tolerated  in  the  Buddhist  layman 

—  Rise  of  religious  rites  after  Buddha's  death  —  Vener- 
ation of  his  relics,  stupas,  and  statues :  pilgrimages, 
processions,  and  festivals  —  Worship  of  the  Buddha  to 
come,  Metteyya — Divinization  of  Gotama  Buddha  as 
the  Adi-Buddha  —  The  Bodhisattvas  —  Mahayana  and 
Hinayana  —  The  Growth  of  Buddhism — The  dubious 
councils  of  Rajagriha  and  Vaisali  —  Asoka — His  rock- 
inscriptions —  His  zeal  for  Buddhism  —  Unreliable  tradi- 
tions, especially  concerning  Mahinda  and  the  council  of 
Patna  —  The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  Ceylon  — 
The  evangelization  of  Kashmir,   Gandhara,  and  Bactria 

—  King  Menander — King  Kanishka  —  The  council  of 
Kashmir  —  The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  China  — 
Chinese  pilgrims:  Fa  Hien  and  Hiouen  Thsang — The 
character  of  Chinese  Buddhism  —  Mito  and  Fousa  Kwan- 
yin  —  The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  Tibet — The 
character  of  Lamaism  —  Resemblances  to  certain  feat- 
ures of  Catholicism  —  The  spread  of  Buddhism  over 
Southern  Asia  —  The  decline  of  Buddhism  in  India  —  The 
number  of  Buddhists  greatly  exaggerated. 


Contents  xiii 


CHAPTER   V 

Page 

The  Buddhist  Sacred  Books 153 

The  twofold  Buddhist  canon,  the  Northern  (Sanskrit)  and 
the  Southern  (Pali)  —  The  character  of  the  Southern 
canon  —  The  Vinaya-pitaka,  Siitta-pilaka,  and  Abhl- 
dhamttia-pitaka,  constituting  the  Ti-pitaka  —  Extra-canon- 
ical works:  the  Dipavansa,  Mahavansa,  Comnienturies  of 
Bndcihagkosa,  Miliiida  Panha  —  Works  peculiar  to  the 
Northern  canon:  the  Buddha  Charita,  Lalita  I'istara, 
Abhinishkramana  Sutra,  Saddharma-pundarika  —  Trans- 
lations —  Age  of  the  Ti-pitaka  greatly  exaggerated  —  The 
view  that  it  was  fixed  for  good  in  the  time  of  Asoka  un- 
warranted—  The  Legendary  Biographies  of  Buddha 

—  Critical  examination  of  the  age  of  the  Biidd/ia  Charita 

—  Critical  examination  of  the  age  of  the  Lalita  Vistara  — 
Date  of  the  chief  Chinese  biography  —  Other  Chinese 
versions  —  Tibetan  versions  —  Dates  of  the  chief  biog- 
raphies of  the  Southern  school  :  the  A'idana  Katha  and 
the  Commentary  on  the  Bnddhavansa — More  recent 
forms  of  the  Buddha-legend. 


PART  III. —  THE  ALLEGED  RELATIONS 
OF  BUDDHISM  WITH  CHRISTIANITY 
EXAMINED 

CHAPTER   I       ' 

Survey  of  the  Chief  Works  Written  to  Show 
THE  Presence  of  Buddhist  Thought  in  the 
Gospels 173 

The  theory  that  primitive  Christianity  was  influenced  by 
Buddhism  not  held  by  the  majority  of  scholars  —  The 
three  chief  advocates  of  the  theory  —  (i)  Ernst  von  Bun- 


xiv  Contents 

Page 

sen — Outline   of    his   argument  —  Critical   view  of    his 

defects — {2)  Prof.  Rudolf  Seydel — Outline  of  his  argu- 
ment—  Critical  view  of  his  defects  —  (3)  Arthur  Lillie  — 
The  untrustworthy  character  of  his  works  —  Outline  of 
his  argument  —  Critical  view  of  his  defects  —  Jesus  not 
an  Essene  —  Neither  Essenes  nor  Therapeuts  Buddhists 
—  Futility  of  the  attempt  to  make  John  and  Paul  out  to 
be  Gnostics. 

CHAPTER    II 
Exaggerated  Resemblances 198 

Spurious  evidence  used  to  impugn  the  originality  of  the 
Gospels  classified  under  three  heads :  exaggerations, 
anachronisms,  fictions  —  Exaggerations  —  The  pre-exist- 
ence  of  Jesus  in  heaven  contrasted  with  that  ascribed  to 
Buddha  —  Divergent  circumstances  of  birth  —  Simeon 
versus  Asita  —  The  fast  of  Jesus  compared  with  that  of 
Buddha  —  Unfair  attempts  to  exaggerate  the  resem- 
blances between  the  temptation  of  Jesus  and  that  of 
Buddha  —  The  transfiguration  of  Jesus  without  a  close 
counterpart  in  the  Buddha-legend. 


CHAPTER    III 
Anachronisms 21; 

Resemblances  drawn  from  Buddhist  sources  plainly  pre- 
christian,  alone  legitimate  in  the  present  comparison  — 
Kanishka's  conquest  of  Northern  India  in  78  A.  D.  the 
probable  cause  of  separation  of  the  Buddhists  of  the 
North  from  those  of  the  South  :  hence  Buddhist  parallels 
not  known  to  both  Northern  and  Southern  schools  are  of 
doubtful  prechristian  origin  —  Further  means  of  control 
afforded  by  the  different  early  versions  of  the  Buddha- 
legend —  Anachronisms  —  The   genealogy  of   Buddha 

—  The  presentation  of  the  infant  Buddha  in  the  temple 

—  The   corresponding  Gospel  story  not  out  of  harmony 
with  Jewish   custom — The   school-scene  —  The    gift  of 


Contents  xv 

Page 
tongues  —  The  augmenting  of  food  at  the  marriage-feast 

—  Lamentation  of  women  over  Buddha's  corpse  —  The 
Chinese  variant —  Buddha's  descent  into  hell  —  The  Bud- 
dhist parable  of  the  lost  son —  Parallels  to  John,  viii.  57, 
and  to  Matthew,  v.  2S — Sadhu  —  Lamaistic  resemblances 
to  certain  features  of  Catholicism  —  The  Kwanyin  liturgy 

—  The  swastika. 

CHAPTER   IV 
Fictions 234 

Vain  attempts  to  find  a  Buddhist  parallel  to  the  Holy  Ghost 

—  Maya  not  a  virgin — Spurious  parallels  to  the  angelic 
announcements  to  Mary  and  to  Joseph  — The  star  in  the 
East  —  Buddha  not  born  on  Christmas-day  —  Pretended 
counterparts  to  the  offerings  of  the  Magi  —  Bimbisara  not 
the  prototype  of  Herod — Habba  not  synonymous  with 
Tathagata  —  Lack  of  resemblance  between  the  story  of 
the  lost  child  Jesus  and  the  Jambu-tree  incident  —  Pre- 
tended baptism  of  Buddha — Untenableness  of  the  state- 
ment that  Buddha  and  Christ  began  to  preach  at  the 
same  age  —  The  Bodhi-tree  incident  not  the  source  of 
the  story  of  Nathaniel  and  the  fig-tree  —  The  Gospel  inci- 
dent of  the  man  born  blind  independent  of  the  Buddhist 
notion  of  karma  —  Yasa  not  the  prototype  of  Nicode- 
mus  — Lack  of  resemblance  between  Buddha's  entry  into  ' 
Rajagriha  and  Christ's  triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem  — 
The  Last  Supper  of  Jesus  wholly  unlike  the  final  meal  of 
Buddha— Unwarranted  ascription  to  Buddha  of  words 
spoken  by  Christ  —  Spurious  Buddhist  parallels  to  the 
abandonment  of  Jesus  by  His  disciples,  to  the  thief  on 
the  cross,  to  the  parting  of  Christ's  garments,  to  the  resur- 
rection, to  Matthew,  v.   29,  and  xiii.  45. 

CHAPTER   V 

Resemblances  not  Implying  Dependence  .     .     .     .     25 S 

Abuse  of  the  principle   that   resemblance  means  depend- 
ence —  Resemblances     often    of    independent    origin  — 


xvi  Contents 

Page 
Examples   from   comparative   ethnology  and   religion  — 

Explained  by  similarity  of  conditions  and  by  the  uniform- 
ity of  the  laws  of  thought  —  Further  instances  —  Enumer- 
ation of  the  Buddhist  parallels  wrongly  taken  to  indicate 
the  influence  of  Buddhism  on  Christianity. 


CHAPTER   VI 

Arguments   for  the  Independent   Origin   of  the 

Gospels 269 

The  apostolic  origin  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  of  Luke 
incompatible  with  the  adoption  of  mythical  elements,  and 
especially  of  features  of  the  Buddha-legend  —  The  alleged 
presence  of  Buddhist  lore  in  Palestine  and  Greece  an  un- 
warranted assumption  —  The  second  Girnar  Edict  not  an 
indication  of  Buddhist  activity  in  the  western  possessions 
of  Antiochus — The  meaning  of  Yavana  (Yona),  and  of 
Yavana(  Yona)-loka  —  The  thirteenth  edict  not  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  Buddhism  in  the  Greek- 
speaking  world  —  The  latter  disproved  by  the  silence  of 
Greek  literature  and  the  total  absence  of  Buddhist  re- 
mains—  Inconsistent  also  with  the  silence  of  the  Bud- 
dhist Chronicles  —  Alasadda,  capital  of  the  Yona  country, 
not  Alexandria  of  Egypt  —  Zarmanochegas  not  a 
Buddhist. 

CHAPTER   VII 

The  Possible  Influence  of  Christianity  on   Bud- 
dhism     288 

Parthian  Jews  converted  by  Peter  —  Reliability  of  the  tra- 
dition that  the  apostle  Thomas  preached  to  the  people 
of  Parthia,  Bactria,  and  Northwest  India —  Gondophares 
—  The  early  mission  of  Pantaenus  in  India  —  The  testi- 
mony of  Cosmas  —  The  ancient  episcopal  sees  of  Merv, 
Herat,  and  Sistan — Christian  influence  in  Panjabin  the 
fifth  century  shown  by  the  Jamalgiri  sculptures  —  The 
spread  of  Nestorianism  over  the  East   in  the  fifth  and 


Contents  xvii 

Page 

following  centuries  —  The  Nestorian  monument  of  Si- 
ngan-fu  —  Likelihood  that  some  of  the  incidents  related 
of  Christ  have  been  incorporated  into  the  Buddha- 
legend  —  Is  the  Asita-story  one  of  these  ? 

CHAPTER   VIII 

Buddhism  Viewed  in  the  Light  of  Christianity    .     304 

The  miracles  of  Christ  above  comparison  with  those 
ascribed  to  Buddha :  the  latter  unvouched  by  contempo- 
rary witnesses  and  tainted  by  absurdities —  Examples  — 
Buddhism  a  religion  not  of  enlightenment,  but  of  super- 
stition and  error — Karma  and  its  implied  transmigration 
a  false  assumption  —  The  failure  of  Buddhism  to  recog- 
nize man's  dependence  on  the  supreme  God  —  Bud- 
dhism lacking  in  the  powerful  Christian  motives  to 
right  conduct  —  Buddhist  morality  utilitarian  —  Nirvana 
not  an  appeal  to  unselfishness  —  Buddhist  pessimism  a 
crime  against  nature  — Its  injustice  to  the  individual,  to 
the  family,  to  society  —  Buddhist  propagandism  far  infe- 
rior to  the  Christian  —  Alliance  of  Buddhism  with  local 
superstitions  —  Buddhist  benevolence  greatly  surpassed 
by  Christian  works  of  charity  —  The  impotence  of  Bud- 
dhism to  elevate  the  people  of  Asia — Sad  state  of 
morals  in  Buddhist  lands  —  Slavery  and  polygamy  un- 
touched by  Buddhism  —  The  degenerate  condition  of 
the  Buddhist  order  —  The  transcendent  excellence  of 
Christianity. 

Bibliography 325 

Index 345 


PART    I 

The  Antecedents  of  Buddhism  —  Brahmanism 


The  Dhamma  of  Gotama  the  Buddha 

and 

The  Gospel  of  Jesus  the  Christ 


PART  I 

The  Antecedents  of  Buddhism  —  Brahmanism 


CHAPTER  I 

VEDIC   AND   BRAHMAN   RITES 

The  Aryan  invaders  of  India  —  Their  gods  chiefly  nature-deities  — 
Monotheistic  tendencies  —  The  sacrifices  —  Worship  of  the 
pitris  —  Rude  superstitions  —  Transition  to  Brahmanism  —  Elab- 
orate liturgy — Sacredness  of  the  sacrifice  —  The  Agni-hotra  — 
The  sacred  Vedas — Sacred  formulae  —  Purificatory  rites  —  Retri- 
bution of  good  and  evil  deeds,  transmigration,  karma  —  Brahman 
religion  more  than  an  empty  formalism. 

IN  the  history  of  human  thought  and  action  we  find 
that  great  movements  do  not  spring  indepen- 
dently into  being.  Whether  philosophical,  political, 
economic,  or  religious,  they  are  largely  the  outcome 
of  what  has  gone  before.  To  this  rule  Buddhism 
forms  no  exception.  It  bears  an  intimate  relationship 
with  the  religion  from  which  it  sprang.  To  appreciate 
it  rightly,  one  must  first  have  some  acquaintance  with 
Brahmanism. 


4  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

The  beginnings  of  Brahmanism  carry  us  back 
through  the  vast  interval  of  more  than  three  thou- 
sand years  to  the  time  when  the  small  bands  of 
intrepid  Aryan  invaders  pushed  their  way  through 
the  mountain  passes  of  Northern  India,  and,  bearing 
down  the  opposition  of  the  native  tribes,  took  pos- 
session of  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  Indus  and  its  four 
tributaries.  There  they  made  their  home,  an  ener- 
getic, industrious,  and  progressive  people,  victorious 
in  the  frequent  wars  waged  with  the  hostile  natives, 
and  none  the  less  successful  in  the  tillage  of  the 
soil  and  in  the  raising  of  cattle.  It  was  a  period  of 
prosperous  growth.  It  was  likewise  a  period  of 
earnest  religious  thought,  to  which  the  gifted  bards 
gave  expression  in  hymns  that,  like  the  psalms, 
became  the  favorite  forms  of  prayer  for  succeed- 
ing generations. 

Many  were  the  gods  that  claimed  their  worship, 
the  personal  representatives  of  the  striking  phe- 
nomena of  nature  :  Varuna,  the  all-embracing  heaven, 
maker  and  lord  of  all  things,  and  upholder  of  the 
moral  law ;  the  sun-god,  variously  known  as  Surya, 
the  enemy  of  darkness  and  bringer  of  blessings,  as 
Pushan,  the  nourisher,  as  Mitra,  the  omniscient 
friend  of  the  good,  and  avenger  of  lying  and  deceit, 
as  Savitar,  the  enlivener,  arousing  men  to  daily  activ- 
ity, as  Vishnu,  said  to  have  measured  the  earth  in 
three  strides  and  to  have  given  the  rich  pastures  to 
mortals;   the  god  of  the  air,  Indra,  also  like  Mars 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  ^ 

the  mighty  god  of  war,  who  set  free  from  the  cloud- 
serpent  Ahi  (Vritra)  the  quickening  rain,  and  who 
gave  a  happy  issue  to  battles ;  Rudra,  later  known  as 
Siva,  the  destroying  one,  and  his  sons  the  Maruts 
gods  of  the  destructive  thunderstorm,  dreadful  to  evil- 
doers, but  beneficent  to  the  good ;  Agni,  the  fire- 
god,  the  friend  and  benefactor  of  men,  dwelling  on 
their  hearths,  and  bearing  to  the  gods  their  sacrificial 
prayers  and  offerings ;  Soma,  the  god  of  that  myste- 
rious plant  whose  inebriating  juice  was  so  dear  to  gods 
and  men,  warding  off  disease,  imparting  strength,  and 
securing  immortality. 

These  and  many  others  of  less  importance  were  the 
devas,  the  shining  ones,  to  whom  they  offered  praise, 
sending  up  petitions  chiefly  for  the  good  things  of 
life,  —  children  and  cattle  and  health  and  length  of 
days,  —  but  not  unmindful,  too,  of  the  need  of  crav- 
ing their  forgiveness  for  sins  committed.  Though 
thus  directed  to  many  gods,  their  worship  was  char- 
acterized by  strong  monotheistic  tendencies.  Each 
god  to  whom  the  worshipper  addressed  himself  was 
for  the  time  being  praised  as  the  supreme  lord  of  all 
things,  having  the  attriJDutes  of  omnipotence,  creative 
power,  unlimited  knowledge,  and  allwise  providence. 

There  were  no  temples  at  this  early  period.  The 
sacrifices  were  performed  under  the  open  sky.  The 
altar  was  very  simple,  consisting  of  a  small  mound  of 
turf,  the  surrounding  ground  being  carefully  cleared  of 
grass  and  shrubs  to  guard  against  a  possible  spreading 


6  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

of  the  fire  to  the  surrounding  fields  or  woods.  The 
sacrifices  were  chiefly  private,  being  offered  by  the 
head  of  the  family,  the  members  of  which  alone  were 
supposed  to  profit  thereby.  The  more  complicated 
sacrifices,  however,  were  performed  by  priests  in  union 
with  the  householder.  Such  were  the  soma-  and  the 
horse-sacrifices,  both  of  which  were  held  to  be  pre-emi- 
nently solemn  and  efficacious. 

Devotion  to  the  pitris  (fathers),  the  spirits  of  de- 
parted ancestors,  was  also  part  of  their  religion.  They 
firmly  believed  in  the  persistence  of  the  individual 
after  death.  When  a  good  man  died,  his  body  mingled 
with  the  earth,  but  his  soul  mounted  to  the  realms  of 
bliss  above  to  live  in  unalloyed  contentment  under 
Yama,  the  first  man,  now  lord  of  the  dead. 

But  the  happiness  of  these  pitris  was  not  altogether 
independent  of  the  actions  of  the  living.  It  could  be 
greatly  increased  by  offerings  of  soma,  rice,  and  water. 
Hence  the  surviving  children  felt  it  a  sacred  duty  to 
make  sacrificial  offerings  at  stated  times  to  their  de- 
parted pitris.  It  was  the  ambition  of  every  man  to 
have  at  least  one  son  to  survive  him  and  contribute  to 
his  future  happiness  by  abundant  offerings.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  living  profited  by  this  generosity  to 
the  dead;  for  the  grateful  pitris  secured  them  in 
return  health  and  wealth  and  posterity. 

Nor  was  their  religion  free  from  the  lower  forms  of 
nature-worship,  and  the  superstitions  that  entered 
into  the   belief  of  other  Aryan   peoples.     The  cow 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  7 

was  held  in  religious  reverence ;  worship  was  not 
withheld  from  serpents  and  trees.  Magic  and  divin- 
ation were  widely  practised.  Formulae  abounded  for 
healing  the  diseased,  for  driving  off  demons,  for 
averting  evil  omens,  for  obtaining  the  object  of  one's 
desire.  Witchcraft  was  dreaded,  and  recourse  to 
ordeals  was  common  for  the  detection  of  guilt. 

Such  was  the  religious  system  which  the  Aryans 
brought  with  them  into  India.  It  seems  to  have 
maintained  much  of  its  primitive  simplicity  during 
the  period  of  expansive  conquest,  whereby  the  in- 
vaders made  themselves  masters  of  all  Northern 
India  from  the  valley  of  the  Indus  to  that  of  the 
Ganges.  In  the  long  period  of  peace  and  plenty 
that  followed,  it  developed  little  by  little  into  the 
highly  complicated,  sacramental  system  known  as 
Brahmanism. 

This  transformation  was  chiefly  due  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  priests  or  Brahmans.  Owing  to  their 
excessive  fondness  for  symbolic  words  and  forms,  the 
prayers  and  hymns  became  greatly  multiplied,  the 
details  of  ritual  more  and  more  intricate.  Each  kind 
of  sacrifice  came  to  have  a  liturgy  proper  to  itself 
Some  of  them  were  so  elaborate  as  to  require  the 
service  of  sixteen  priests.  In  the  performance  of  the 
liturgy,  the  greatest  care  had  to  be  observed  ;  for  it 
was  believed  the  omission  of  a  word  or  the  mispro- 
nouncing of  a  syllable,  or  the  failure  to  carry  out 
any  ceremonial  detail  would  render  the  sacrifice  void 


8  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

and  even  dangerous.  It  partook  of  the  nature  of  a 
sacramental  rite,  the  due  performance  of  which  was 
sure  to  produce  the  desired  effect.  The  sacrifice 
became  the  all-important  centre  around  u^hich  the 
visible  and  invisible  world  revolved.  On  it  the  very- 
gods  of  heaven  depended.  Through  it  all  the  legit- 
imate wishes  of  the  human  heart  could  find  their 
realization.  It  is  true,  the  Brahmans  did  not  fail  to 
insist  on  generosity  to  the  sacrificing  priest  as  an  in- 
dispensable condition  of  the  efficacy  of  the  sacrifice. 
Still  it  was  not  a  mere  perfunctory  ceremony.  It 
was  of  so  sacred  a  character  that,  if  performed  by  an 
unworthy  priest,  it  was  accounted  sacrilegious  and  of 
no  avail. ^  Nor  could  the  individual  in  whose  behalf 
a  sacrifice  was  offered  derive  any  benefit  from  it 
unless  he  was  in  the  proper  disposition.  He  had  to 
prepare  for  it  by  a  day  of  abstinence  from  food  and 
conjugal  intercourse,  and  by  a  purificatory  bath.  At 
the  sacrifice  offered  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy 
season,  the  wife  of  the  sacrificer  had  to  confess  to 
the  officiating  priest  any  sin  of  conjugal  infidelity  of 
which  she  might  be  guilty.^ 

1  "  The  Bahishpavamana  chant  truly  is  a  ship  bound  heavenwards  : 
the  priests  are  its  spars  and  oars,  the  means  of  reaching  the  heavenly 
world.  If  there  be  a  blameworthy  one,  even  that  one  [priest]  would 
make  it  sink  :  he  makes  it  sink,  even  as  one  who  ascends  a  ship  that 
is  full  would  make  it  sink.  And,  indeed,  every  sacrifice  is  a  ship 
bound  heavenwards  :  hence  one  should  seek  to  keep  a  blameworthy 
[priest]  away  from  every  sacrifice."  Satapatha  BrahnuDia,  iv.  2,  5, 
ID.  — Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  XXVI.  pp.  310-31 1. 

2  Sat.  Brah.  ii.  5,  2,  20.  — S.  B.  E.  XII.  p.  396. 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  g 

One  form  of  sacrifice,  however,  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  householder;  that  was  the  simple  offer- 
ing of  milk,  butter,  grain,  and  wood  to  the  hearth-fire 
every  morning  and  evening.  This  offering,  called  the 
Agni-hotra,  was  a  sacred  duty,  to  which  the  greatest 
importance  was  attached.  It  was  taught  that  the 
sun  would  not  rise  were  it  not  for  the  morning  offer- 
ing to  the  fire,  and  that  the  faithful  performance  of 
the  morning  and  evening  Agni-hotra  secured  a  happy 
hereafter. 

In  keeping  with  the  complicated  liturgy  of  sacri- 
ficial worship  was  the  multiplicity  of  prayers  and 
purificatory  rites  that  entered  into  the  daily  life  of  the 
Brahman.  Here  the  threefold  Veda  (Wisdom)  held 
the  first  place.  This  was  the  devotional  lore  created 
by  the  piety  of  earlier  generations,  and  transmitted 
orally  from  old  to  young  as  a  venerable  and  sacred 
deposit.  It  consisted  of  a  collection  of  ancient  riks 
or  hymns  in  praise  of  the  many  gods,  the  so-called 
Rig-Veda,  and  of  two  sacrificial  rituals,  one  known  as 
the  Sama-Veda,  compiled  from  parts  of  the  Rig- Veda 
as  a  song-service  for  the  soma-sacrifice,  and  the 
other  called  the  Yajnr-Veda,  a  liturgy  composed  in 
part  of  ancient  hymns,  in  part  of  other  prayers,  invo- 
cations, and  benedictions,  for  use  in  the  various 
elaborate  forms  of  sacrifice.  In  course  of  time  this 
threefold  Veda  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  having 
existed  from  eternity,  and  as  having  been  communi- 
cated supernaturally  to  early  man.     Its  preservation 


lo  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

was  a  sacred  duty  of  the  Brahmans.  As  writing  was 
unknown,  it  had  to  be  memorized  and  taught  orally 
to  others.  Great  merit  was  attached  to  the  recitation 
of  passages  from  the  Veda,  a  privilege,  however,  from 
which  all  women  were  debarred,  as  well  as  men  of  low 
caste.^ 

Besides  these,  certain  formulae  consisting  of  short 
extracts  from  the  Rig- Veda  were  much  in  vogue  and 
were  held  to  be  of  great  efficacy.  The  most  import- 
ant was  the  so-called  Savitri,  a  prayer  which  the 
devout  individual  was  careful  to  address  every  morning 
and  evening  to  the  sun  as  Savitar,  the  Vivifier.  It 
ran  as  follows :  "  Let  us  meditate  on  that  excellent 
glory  of  the  divine  Vivifier.  May  he  enlighten  our 
understandings."  ^ 

Associated  with  it  were  two  sacred  ejaculations  of 
wonderful  power,  that  served  as  an  indispensable  in- 
troduction to  every  important  act  of  devotion.  One 
was  the  divine  monosyllable  OM  (aum),  whose  three 

1  The  incantations,  exorcisms,  and  other  magic  formulae  in- 
herited by  the  Aryan  invaders  of  India  from  their  remote  ancestors, 
seem  not  to  have  been  brought  together  into  a  fixed  collection  till 
after  the  formation  of  the  threefold  Veda.  This  collection,  known 
as  the  Atharva-Veda  (Priestly  Veda),  was  not  long  in  winning  recog- 
nition as  part  of  the  sacred  canon.  The  latter  also  came  in  time  to 
include  the  so-called  Brahmaiias,  —  verbose  and  miscellaneous  ex- 
planations of  Vedic  texts,  rites,  and  customs,  —  and  the  so-called  Sutras 
in  which  the  contents  of  the  Brahmanas  were  greatly  abridged  and 
given  an  orderly  arrangement.  To  this  class  of  sacred  literature  be- 
long the  ancient  law-books,  of  which  the  most  famous  is  the  metrical 
treatise  known  as  the  Laws  of  M ami. 

2M.  Williams,  Indian  Wisdom,  London,  1876.     p.  20. 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  i  i 

letters  were  a  mystical  compendium  of  the  threefold 
Veda.  The  other  consisted  of  the  three  magic  words, 
Bhuh,  Bhuvah,  and  Svak  (Earth,  Air,  and  Heaven). 
Great  was  the  efficacy  of  these  two  formulae  when 
joined  to  the  Savitri  and  accompanied  by  suppressions 
of  breath.  Devoutly  recited  every  morning  and  even- 
ing by  the  learned  Brahmans,  they  procured  as 
much  merit  as  the  recitation  of  the  Vedas.  Their 
frequent  repetition  by  way  of  penance  had  the  effect 
of  effacing  from  the  soul  the  guilt  of  grievous  sin.^ 

A  scrupulous  solicitude  for  ceremonial  purity,  sur- 
passing even  that  of  the  Jewish  Pharisee,  gave  rise  in 
Brahmanism  to  an  endless  succession  of  purificatory 
rites,  baths,  sprinkling  with  water,  smearing  with 
ashes  or  cow-dung,  sippings  of  water,  suppressions 
of  breath,  all  of  them  sacramental  in  character  and 
efficacious  for  the  remission  of  sin.^ 

The  retribution  of  good  and  evil  deeds  both  here 
and  hereafter,  so  clearly  expressed  in  the  Rig- Veda, 
formed  likewise  part  of  later  Brahmanic  belief;  but 
the  character  of  that  retribution  came  to  be  differently 
conceived.  The  idea  of  heaven  as  the  final  reward  of 
the  just  remained  unchanged.  But  the  abyss  of  dark- 
ness to  which,  according  to  the  ancient  Vedic  hymns, 
the  wicked  were  consigned,  gave  place  to  a  great 
variety  of  hells,  the  positive  torments  of  which  were 

1  T/ie  Laws   of  Mann,    ii.   75-83;  xi.  249.  — i".  B.  E.  XXV.  pp. 

44.  479- 

'^  Manu,  V.  57  ff.  —  Baudhayana,  iv.  5.  —  .S.  B.  E.  XIV.  pp.  323  ff. 


12  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

graded  to  suit  different  kinds  of  crime  and  different 
degrees  of  guilt. ^  These  harrowing  torments  were 
most  vividly  and  circumstantially  depicted.  They 
were  not,  however,  eternal,  nor  were  they  the  only 
forms  of  retribution  of  evil  after  death.  Besides 
these,  there  was  recognized  a  long  graduated  scale  of 
less  severe  punishments  suited  to  sinners  whose  guilti- 
ness was  not  great  enough  to  deserve  hell-torments, 
or  whose  debt  of  suffering  had  been  sufficiently  re- 
duced by  infernal  punishments  to  allow  them  to  pass 
on  to  a  more  endurable  state  of  expiation.  This  was 
the  progressive  series  of  rebirths  from  those  of  plants, 
through  those  of  less  and  less  ignoble  animals,  up  to 
that  of  man.  Thus  from  the  lowest  hell  to  the  high- 
est rebirth  as  man,  a  formidable  series  of  states  of 
retribution  was  recognized,  gradually  diminishing  in 
severity.  According  to  the  degree  of  guiltiness.  King 
Yama,  the  first  man,  now  lord  and  judge  of  the  dead, 
determined  the  grade  in  this  long  series  of  punish- 
ments to  which  each  sinner  should  be  assigned.  From 
that  grade,  the  condemned  culprit  had  to  pass  by  a 
slow  transition  through  the  rest  of  the  ascending  series 
until  his  birth  as  man  was  once  more  attained.'-^ 

In  the  Vedic  hymns,  we  find  sickness  and  other 
kinds  of  misfortune  regarded  as  punishments  sent  by 
the  gods  for  the  evil  deeds  of  earlier  years.    Brahman- 

i  In  Afaiiu,  iv.  twenty-one  different  hells  are  distinguished.     Cf. 
Institutes  of  Vishnu,  xliii. ;  S.  E.  B.  VII.  p.  iii. 
"^  Manu,  xii.  21-22,  52-58,  61-67,  73-81. 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  i  3 

ism  improved  on  the  more  ancient  belief  by  teaching 
that  certain  kinds  of  sickness  and  deformity  were  due 
to  the  unexpiated  misdeeds  of  a  former  existence,  and 
hence  ought  to  be  supplemented  .by  fitting  penances. 

"A  twice-born  man  having  become  liable  to  perform  a 
penance,  be  it  by  [the  decree  of]  fate  or  by  [an  act]  com- 
mitted in  a  former  life,  must  not  before  the  penance  has  been 
performed,  have  intercourse  with  virtuous  men.  Some 
wicked  men  suffer  a  change  of  their  [natural]  appearance  in 
consequence  of  crimes  committed  in  this  Ufe,  and  some  in 
consequence  of  those  committed  in  a  former  [existence]. 
He  who  steals  the  gold  [of  a  Brahman]  has  diseased  nails  ;  a 
drinker  of  [the  spirituous  liquor  called]  sura,  black  teeth ; 
the  slayer  of  a  Brahman,  consumption ;  the  violator  of  a 
Garu's  bed,  a  diseased  skin ;  an  informer,  a  foul  smelling 
nose  ;  a  calumniator,  a  stinking  breath,  ...  a  stealer  of 
[cooked]  food,  dyspepsia.  .  .  .  Thus  in  consequence  of  a 
remnant  of  [the  guilt  of  former]  crimes,  are  born  idiots, 
dumb,  blind,  deaf,  and  deformed  men,  who  are  all  despised 
by  the  virtuous."  ^ 

In  this  way  the  idea  of  retribution  was  made  to  em- 
brace the  most  rigorous  and  far-reaching  conse- 
quences, from  which,  save  by  timely  penance,  there 
was  no  escape.  As  every  good  action  was  certain  of 
its  future  recompense,  so  every  evil  action  was  des- 
tined to  bear  its  fruit  of  misery  in  the  next  life.  This 
law  that  every  good  and  evil  action  would  inevitably 
result  in  future  weal  or  woe,  was  known  as  karma 

(action). 

1  Manti,  xi.  47-53. 


14  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

To  the  devotee  of  Brahmanism,  however,  a  means 
was  held  out  of  securing  hberation  from  the  sad  con- 
sequences of  evil  deeds.  This  means  was  the  prac- 
tice of  penances  and  purificatory  rites.  Evil  deserts 
could  be  offset  and  nullified  by  the  merits  of  good 
works,  —  alms,  confession,  baths,  suppressions  of 
breath,  recitation  of  the  Savitri  and  other  Vedic  texts, 
fasts,  and  various  kinds  of  self-torture,  some  of  which 
were  unto  death. ^ 

It  is  customary  to  see  in  these  practices,  which 
figure  so  largely  in  the  sacred  law-books,  naught  else 
than  a  perfunctory  formalism.  But  this  view  scarcely 
does  justice  to  Brahmanism.  There  is  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  consciousness  of  guilt  for  sinful  conduct 
was  keen  and  vivid,  and  that  in  the  performance  of 
these  rites,  so  liable  to  abuse,  a  penitential  disposition 
of  soul  was  largely  cultivated.  A  remarkable  pas- 
sage in  the  Laws  of  Manu  sets  forth  the  nature  and 
efficacy  of  penance  in  a  manner  that  leaves  little  to 
be  desired. 

"  By  confession,  by  repentance,  by  austerity,  and  by  re- 
citing [the  Veda]  a  sinner  is  freed  from  guilt  and,  in  case  no 
other  course  is  possible,  by  liberality. 

"  In  proportion  as  a  man  who  has  done  wrong,  himself 
confesses  it,  even  so  far  he  is  freed  from  guilt  as  a  snake  from 
its  slough. 

"  In  proportion  as  his  heart  loathes  his  evil  deed,  even 
so  far  is  his  body  freed  from  that  guilt. 

1  Mann,  book  xi.  —  Baudhayana,  iii.  4  to  iv.  8.  —  S,  B.  E.  XIV.  pp. 
294-333- 


Vedic  and  Brahman  Rites  i  5 

"  He  who  has  committed  a  sin  and  has  repented,  is  freed 
from  that  sin,  but  he  is  purified  only  by  [the  resolution  of] 
ceasing  [to  sin  and  thinking]  '  I  will  do  so  no  more.' 

"  Having  thus  considered  in  his  mind  what  results  will 
arise  from  his  deeds  after  death,  let  him  always  be  good  in 
thoughts,  speech,  and  actions. 

"  He  who,  having  either  unintentionally  or  intentionally 
committed  a  reprehensible  deed,  desires  to  be  freed  from 
[the  guilt  of]  it,  must  not  commit  it  a  second  time. 

"  If  his  mind  be  uneasy  with  respect  to  any  act,  let  him 
repeat  the  austerities  [prescribed  as  a  penance]  for  it  until 
they  fully  satisfy  [his  conscience]."^ 

'^  Mami,  xi.  22S-234.  Cf.  Baudhayana,  ii.  5,  10.  — .S".  B.  E.  XIV. 
p.  176.  "Let  him  always  be  sorrowing  in  his  heart  when  he  thinks 
of  his  sins,  [let  him]  practise  austerities  and  be  careful ;  thus  he  will 
be  freed  from  sin." 


CHAPTER   II 

SOCIAL  AND    RELIGIOUS   INSTITUTIONS 

The  caste-system  —  Brahmans,  Kshatriyas,  Vaisyas,  Sudras  — 
Brahmans  first  in  dignity  —  Unequal  distribution  of  privileges  — 
Rigid  caste-rules  —  Sudras  excluded  from  the  Vedic  rites  —  Stu- 
dentship of  the  three  upper  castes  —  Ceremony  of  initiation  — 
Ascetic  life  of  the  student  —  Marriage  —  Rigid  caste-rule  for  the 
choice  of  the  first  wife  —  Polygamy  allowed — Low  estimate  of 
woman  —  Duties  of  the  wife  — The  religious  duties  of  the  house- 
holder—  Sraddha  feasts  in  honor  of  the  dead  —  Ascetics  —  Their 
rule  of  life  —  Their  incredible  mortifications  —  The  practice  of 
Yoga  — Vows  of  the  ascetic. 

INTIMATELY  bound  up  with  the  reHgious  system 
of  Brahmanism,  so  as  to  constitute  one  of  its 
most  important  features,  was  the  division  of  society 
into  rigidly  defined  castes. 

From  the  earHest  times  the  people  had  been  sub- 
ject to  class-distinctions.  Besides  the  class  of  Ksha- 
triyas (also  called  Rajanyas)  or  warriors,  which  then 
stood  first  in  importance,  there  were  recognized  three 
others,  —  that  of  Brahmans  or  priests,  that  of  Vaisyas 
or  farmers,  and  last  as  well  as  least  of  all,  the  servile 
class  of  Sudras,  composed  chiefly  of  the  conquered 
natives.  Between  the  three  first  classes  no  hard  and 
fast  lines  of  separation  had  been  drawn. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions        17 

But  with  the  development  of  Brahmanism  there 
came  a  notable  change.  The  four  ancient  divisions 
of  society  became  stereotyped  into  fixed  and  exclu- 
sive castes,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Brahmans 
took  precedence  of  the  warriors  and  assumed  the  first 
place  of  dignity  and  importance.  As  guardians  and 
teachers  of  the  sacred  Veda,  and  as  the  officiating 
priests  of  the  august  sacrifices,  they  professed  to  be 
the  very  representatives  of  the  gods,  and  hence  the 
peers  of  the  human  race.  No  honors  were  too  great 
for  them.  Their  persons  were  inviolate.  To  lay 
hands  on  them  was  a  sacrilege.  Even  the  king  had 
no  right   to  do  or  say  what  was  apt  to   stir  them   to 


anger. 


The  share  which  the  various  castes  had  in  privi- 
leges was  very  unequal.  The  Brahman,  as  the 
superior  of  all,  enjoyed  the  largest  amount  of  advan- 
tage, while  the  despised  Sudra  had  scarcely  any 
rights  at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  the  penalties  for 
wrong-doing,  with  but  few  exceptions,  lay  heaviest 
on  the  Sudra,  and  diminished  by  very  considerable 
degrees  as  they  affected  the  three  other  castes  in  the 
ascending  scale. ^ 

The  comparative  worth  in  which  the  four  castes 
were  held,  is  revealed  by  the  following  text  from  the 
Laws  of  Mann,  '"  One-fourth  the  penance  for  the 
murder  of  a  Brahman  is  prescribed  as  expiation  for 
intentionally  killing  a  Kshatriya  ;  one-eighth  for  killing 

1  Manu,  viii.  267  flf. 

2 


1 8  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

a  Vaisya ;   know  that  it  is  one-sixteenth   for  killing  a 
virtuous  Sudra."  ^ 

These  caste-distinctions,  declared  by  later  Brahman 
teaching  to  have  existed  from  the  beginning  by  right 
divine,  were  maintained  by  the  most  stringent  laws. 
Members  of  the  upper  castes  might  forfeit  their  rank 
through  a  violation  of  some  caste-rule,  and  thus  sink 
to  the  degraded  condition  of  Sudras.  But  no  one 
could  rise  above  the  caste  in  which  he  was  born. 
Moreover,  to  be  a  Brahman,  or  Kshatriya,  or  Vaisya, 
it  was  necessary  that  both  parents  should  belong  to 
the  caste  in  question.  Children  of  a  mother  married 
to  a  husband  of  the  caste  above,  inherited  the  caste- 
rights  of  the  mother  only.  Marriages  between 
women  of  a  higher  and  men  of  a  lower  caste  gave 
rise  to  mixed  castes.^  Most  contemptible  of  all  was 
the  Chandala,  the  offspring  of  a  Sudra  and  a  woman 
of  the  Brahman  caste.  The  very  touch  of  such  a 
person  was  avoided  by  the  Brahman  as  defiling. 

Only  the  three  upper  castes  had  the  right  to  know 
the  Vedas,  and  to  take  part  in  the  sacrifices;  for 
Brahmanism,  far  from  being  a  religion  open  to  all, 
was  exclusively  a  privilege  of  birth.  From  its  saving 
rites  the  Sudra  was  most  rigorously  excluded. 
Woe  to  the  Sudra  who  sought  to  gain  a  knowledge 
of  the  sacred  Veda.  "  Now  if  he  listens  intention- 
ally [to  a  recitation  of]  the  Veda,  his  ears  shall  be 

1  Mami,  xi.  127. 

2  The  minor  castes  are  all  enumerated  m  the  tenth  book  of  Maiui. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions        19 

filled  with  molten  tin  or  lac.  If  he  recites  the  [Vedic] 
texts,  his  tongue  shall  be  cut  out.  If  he  remembers 
them,    his  body  shall   be   split   in  twain."  ^ 

It  was  solely  in  the  acquisition  of  Vedic  lore  that 
the  education  of  the  youth  consisted  ;  and  as  none 
but  a  Brahman  had  the  right  to  teach  the  Veda,  the 
training  of  the  youthful  mind  was  wholly  in  his 
hands.  This  was  one  of  the  sources  of  his  great  in- 
fluence ;  for  in  the  capacity  of  gjini  or  teacher,  he 
had  the  moulding  of  the  minds  and  dispositions  of  all 
who  constituted  the  strength  and  mainstay  of  the 
nation.  Every  youth  of  good  family  had  to  spend 
some  of  his  tender  years  as  a  student  in  the  service 
of  a  Brahman. 

The  entrance  into  this  period  of  studentship  was 
marked  by  a  most  important  ceremony,  correspond- 
ing to  the  Christian  rite  of  baptism.  It  was  the  in- 
vestiture with  the  sacred  girdle  and  cord.  The  time 
for  this  ceremony  was  from  the  eighth  to  the  six- 
teenth year  after  conception  for  a  Brahman,  from  the 
eleventh  to  the  twenty-second  year  for  a  Kshatriya, 
and  from  the  twelfth  to  the  twenty-fourth  year  for  a 
Vaisya.  If  not  brought  to  a  Brahman  for  this  initia- 
tion before  the  end  of  the  allotted  period,  the  youth 
forfeited  his  caste-rights  and  was  excluded  from  all 
participation  in  the  Brahman  religion. 

As  a  preparation  for  the  ceremony,  the  novice  took 
a  bath  and    had    his    head    shaved.     Then  with  the 

1   Gatttatna,  xii.  4-6.  —  6".  B.  E.  II.  p.  236. 


20  Antecedents  ot  Buddhism 

tufts  of  hair  which  served  as  his  family  mark  neatly- 
arranged,  he  presented  himself  in  festive  attire  to  his 
chosen  Brahman  teacher,  bearing  a  new  mantle,  a 
girdle,  a  cord,  and  a  staff.  Sacrifice  having  been 
offered,  the  Brahman,  standing  near  the  fire,  invested 
the  novice  with  the  mantle,  girdle,  and  sacrificial 
cord,  accompanying  each  act  with  an  appropriate 
prayer.  The  novice  then  signified  his  desire  to  serve 
under  him  as  a  student,  whereupon  the  Brahman, 
sprinkling  the  joined  hands  of  the  novice  with  water, 
and  then  seizing  them  in  his  own,  pronounced  the 
formulas  of  initiation  and  adoption,  and  finally, 
touching  his  right  shoulder,  said,  "A  student  art 
thou.  Put  on  fuel.  Take  water.  Do  the  service. 
Do  not  sleep  in  the  daytime.  Keep  silence  till  the 
putting  on  of  fuel.  Be  devoted  to  the  teacher  and 
study  the  Veda." 

He  was  then  taught  the  Savitri  prayer,  and  became 
dvi-ja,  or  twice-born,  with  the  right  to  learn  the 
Veda  and  to  participate  in  the  sacrifices.  "  Three 
castes.  Brahman,  Kshatriya,  and  Vaisya  [are  called] 
twice-born.  Their  first  birth  is  from  their  mother; 
the  second  from  the  investiture  of  the  sacred  girdle. 
In  that  [second  birth]  the  Savitri  is  the  mother,  but 
the  teacher  is  said  to  be  the  father.  They  call  the 
teacher  father,  because  he  gives  instruction  in  the 
Veda."  1 

Thus    prepared    by   a   solemn    consecration,    the 

1    Vasishtha,  ii.  1-4.-6'.  B.  E.  XIV.  p.  9. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions        21 

young  novice  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the 
sacred  Veda,  learning,  not  from  the  written  page, 
but  from  the  spoken  word  of  the  teacher.^  Day  after 
day,  at  the  appointed  time,  he  presented  himself  to 
his  teacher,  and  sitting  upright  upon  the  ground, 
with  legs  crossed  and  hands  respectfully  clasped,  he 
committed  a  portion  of  the  Vedic  text  to  memory. 
A  year  or  two  of  study  sufficed,  as  a  rule,  for  mem- 
bers of  the  warrior  or  farmer  caste,  of  whom  only 
a  partial  knowledge  of  the  Vedas  was  expected.  But 
the  young  Brahman  had  to  keep  up  his  studentship 
till  he  knew  the  three  Vedas  by  heart.  The  very 
brightest  could  not  hope  to  reach  this  degree  of 
proficiency  in  less  than  nine  years. 

The  student  generally  resided  with  his  teacher, 
whom  he  was  bound  to  serve  with  docility  and  rever- 
ence. Everything  in  his  daily  life  was  calculated  to 
impress  upon  him  the  sacredness  of  the  Vedas  and 
the  holiness  requisite  for  their  proper  study.  He 
began  and  ended  the  day  with  prayer,  reciting  the 
Savitri  in  honor  of  the  rising  and  setting  sun,  and 
making  offerings  of  wood  to  Agni  (Surya)  on  the 
household  fire.  He  had  to  rise  before  the  sun,  nor 
could  he  recline  again  in  sleep  till  after  sunset.  He 
was  allowed  a  morning  and  an  evening  meal,  but  of 
the  simplest  kind.  Meat  could  not  be  eaten,  nor 
honey,  nor   rich  and   dainty  dishes.     Between  these 

1  The  sacred  books  were  not  committed  to  writing  till  long  after 
the  art  of  writing  became  familiar  to  the  people  of  India. 


22  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

meals  a  strict  fast  had  to  be  observed.  He  subsisted 
on  alms,  proceeding  every  morning  and  evening  to 
the  village  to  beg  his  food  of  worthy  people  who 
lived  according  to  the  Vedas.  He  was  expected  to 
observe  the  strictest  chastity.  Any  violation  of  this 
virtue  broke  the  vow  of  his  studentship  and  had  to 
be  atoned  for  by  severe  penance.  He  was  also 
bound  to  avoid  music,  dancing,  gambling,  falsehood, 
disrespect  to  superiors  and  to  the  aged,  covetous- 
ness,  anger,  and  injury  to  animals.^ 

The  student's  life  was  thus  a  life  of  stern  moral 
and  intellectual  discipline.  In  it  the  three  monastic 
vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience  found  their 
realization.  Coming  as  it  did  at  the  critical  period 
of  youth,  when  the  will  needed  to  be  strengthened 
against  the  demands  of  unruly  instincts,  and  when 
the  mind  was  most  susceptible  to  influences  from 
without,  this  discipline  must  have  helped  in  no  small 
measure  to  develop  a  sturdy  moral  character,  as  well 
as  to  foster  a  deeply  religious  spirit  and  to  cultivate 
a  quick  and  retentive  mind.  Theirs  was  indeed  a 
religious  education. 

A  Brahmana  text  declares  that  a  Brahman  comes 
into  the  world  burdened  with  three  debts.  To  the 
gods,  he  owes  the  debt  of  sacrifice ;  to  the  rishis,  or 
ancient  bards,  the  debt  of  reciting  the  Vedas ;  to  the 
pitris,  or  departed  fathers,  the  debt  of  begetting  sons.^ 

1  Manu,  ii.  177-1S1  ;  xi.  1 19-124. 

'^   Taittiriya-Bra/unana,  vi.  3,  10,  5.  —  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIV.  p.  271-272. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions       23 

Marriage  was  thus  one  of  the  religious  duties  of  a 
twice-born  man.  Freed  from  his  vow  of  studentship, 
he  soon  entered  into  the  state  of  the  householder. 

Characteristic  is  the  advice  given  in  the  Lazvs  of 
Mamc  for  the  choice  of  a  bride, 

"  A  twice-born  man  shall  marry  a  wife  of  equal  caste  who 
is  endowed  with  auspicious  [bodily]  marks.  .  .  .  Let  him 
not  marry  a  maiden  with  reddish  hair  .  .  ,  nor  one  who  is 
sickly  .  .  .  nor  one  who  is  garrulous  or  has  red  eyes,  .  .  . 
Let  him  wed  a  female  free  from  bodily  defects,  who  has  an 
agreeable  name,  the  graceful  gait  of  an  elephant,  a  moderate 
quantity  of  hair,  small  teeth,  and  soft  limbs."  ^ 

The  rule  that  the  bride  should  be  of  the  same  caste 
as  the  groom  was  strongly  insisted  upon.  It  was 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  castes.  To  be- 
come a  householder  through  marriage  with  a  Sudra 
woman  was  a  crime  and  a  lasting  disgrace,  the  guilti- 
ness of  which  was  the  greater,  the  higher  the  rank  of 
the  offender.  A  Brahman  who  would  thus  debase 
himself  was  destined  to  sink  into  hell.^ 

It  was  only  of  the  first  and  principal  marriage  that 
this  rule  held  good.  It  did  not  apply  to  the  secondary 
marriages,  which  were  the  privilege  of  the  twice-born  ; 
for  as  in  all  oriental  peoples  of  antiquity,  polygamy 
had  the  sanction  of  religion.  A  man  could  take  an 
inferior  wife  only  from  a  caste  below  his  own ;  nor  was 
he  ordinarily  allowed  more  than  one  wife   from  the 

^  Mann,  iii.  4,  8,  10.  ^  Alanu,  iii.  17-19. 


24  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

same  caste.  Hence  the  higher  the  caste,  the  larger 
the  privilege.  A  Brahman  could  have  four  wives,  one 
from  each  caste,  a  warrior  three,  a  farmer  two ;  while 
the  Sudra  was  expected  to  content  himself  with  one. 
Monogamy,  however,  seems  to  have  been  largely 
practised  by  the  Brahmans,  while  the  wealthy  nobles 
maintained  harems  proportionate  to  their  means. 

In  Brahmanism,  woman's  freedom  of  action  was 
subject  to  many  restrictions  that  did  scant  justice  to 
her  deserts.  The  wife  had  the  right  to  participate 
with  her  husband  in  the  sacrifices,  but  all  knowledge 
of  the  Veda  was  withheld  from  her.  "  The  nuptial 
ceremony,"  runs  a  text  of  Man u,^  "  is  stated  to  be  the 
Vedic  sacrament  for  women  [and  to  be]  equal  to  the 
initiation ;  serving  the  husband  [equivalent  to]  the 
residence  in  the  house  of  the  teacher;  and  the  house- 
hold duties  [the  same  as]  the  daily  worship  of  the 
sacred  fire." 

The  speculative  estimate  of  womanly  worth  was 
decidedly  low.  To  seduce  men  was  thought  to  be  the 
instinctive  impulse  of  women.  Laziness,  excessive 
fondness  for  ornament,  sensuality,  dishonesty, 
malice,  heartlessness,  and  instability  were  imputed  to 
them  as  dispositions  inherent  in  their  very  nature. 
The  prudent  man  was  warned  not  to  remain  alone 
and  unguarded  with  females,  even  his  nearest  rela- 
tions.2  j|.  ^y^g  i^j(j  down  that  a  woman  must  never 
be  independent,  but  always  live  in  subjection,  in  child- 
1  A/(iu!t,  ii.  67.  -  ii.  213-215;  i.x.  15. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions        25 

hood  to  her  father,  in  youth  to  her  husband,  in  her 
widowhood  to  her  sons.^ 

To  her  husband,  especially,  she  owed  the  greatest 
obedience  and  devotion,  undertaking  no  vow  or  fast 
without  his  permission.  A  faulty,  unruly  wife  could 
be  beaten.  Bound  by  an  indissoluble  tie  to  her  hus- 
band, she  had  to  bear  with  him  in  patience  and  fidel- 
ity, and  worship  him  as  a  god,  even  if  he  were  harsh 
and  cruel.  But  if  she  herself  proved  unworthy,  she 
could  be  repudiated  by  her  husband  and  supplanted 
by  another.  This  one-sided  privilege  of  the  husband 
was,  however,  limited  by  certain  restrictions.^  Nor 
did  the  obligation  of  the  wife  to  the  husband  cease 
at  his  death.  She  was  not  to  marry  again  even  if 
childless,  but  was  to  remain  chaste  and  single,  faith- 
ful to  the  memory  of  her  departed  lord,  if  she  ex- 
pected to  be  honored  on  earth  and  to  be  happy  with 
him  in  heaven.^ 

But  despite  her  many  disabilities,  the  right  of  the 
wife  to  be  treated  as  an  honorable,  if  inferior,  help- 
mate, was  not  overlooked.  The  sacred  books  did  not 
fail  to  remind  the  householder  of  the  sympathy,  kind- 
ness, and  affectionate  fidelity  that  he  owed  to  her  whom 
he  had  received  in  intimate  union  from  the  very  gods.* 

1  Mami,  V.  147-148. 

2  V.  154-155;  ix-  77-82. 

3  V.  156-157.  The  cruel  Hindu  custom  known  as  sutteeism,  by 
which  widows  were  instigated  to  seek  death  on  the  pyres  of  their 
husbands,  seems  to  have  formed  no  part  of  early  Brahmanism. 

*  iii.  55-62;  ix.  45,  95,  loi. 


26  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

The  householder,  like  the  student,  had  to  rise  be- 
fore the  sun,  bathe,  recite  the  Savitri,  and  pour  out 
libations  of  water  to  his  departed  relatives.  Similar 
devotions  were  expected  of  him  every  evening.  In 
addition,  the  Brahman  householder  had  to  recite 
devoutly  every  day  portions  of  the  Veda  and,  if  a 
guru,  communicate  them  to  his  pupil. 

One  of  the  first  duties  of  the  newly  married  house- 
holder was  to  set  up  the  domestic  fire.  The  mainte- 
nance and  worship  of  the  household  fire  secured  the 
presence  and  blessing  of  the  fire-god  Agni,  without 
which  no  family  could  prosper.  It  was  kept  always 
burning.  Every  morning  and  evening,  offerings 
(Agni-hotra)  were  made  to  it  of  hot  milk,  butter,  rice, 
barley,  and  sesamum.^ 

These  daily  offerings  to  the  fire,  together  with  the 
sacrifices  of  burnt  offerings  at  every  new  and  full 
moon,  at  the  beginning  of  each  of  the  three  seasons, 
at  the  two  harvests,  and  at  the  solstices,  as  well  as  the 
soma-sacrifice  at  the  end  of  the  year,  constituted  the 
sum  of  his  obligations  to  the  gods,  as  regards  sacri- 
ficial worship. 

Scarcely  less  important  than  these  offerings  to  the 
gods  were  those  he  had  to  make  to  his  departed  rela- 
tives. Once  a  month,  at  the  time  of  the  full  moon,  he 
had  to  provide  the  svaddha,  or  sacrificial  feast  in 
honor  of  the  dead.  To  this  feast,  which  was  of  a  joy- 
ful nature,  one  or  more  pious  Brahmans  and  a  num- 

"^  Asvalayana-G7-ihya-Siitra,  i.  9.  —  .S".  B.  E.  XXIX.  p.  172. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions        27 

ber  of  near  relatives  were  invited.  Great  care  had  to 
be  exercised  in  the  choice  of  guests,  for  it  was  taught 
that  unworthy  persons  would  rob  the  sacrifice  of  its 
efficacy.  Of  the  dead  supposed  to  take  part  in  this 
feast,  the  relatives  up  to  the  third  generation  were 
to  derive  most  profit.^ 

The  strong  tendency  to  asceticism,  which  has  as- 
serted itself  in  the  chief  religious  systems  of  India, 
seems  to  have  taken  its  rise  very  early  in  Brahman- 
ism.  It  found  expression  in  the  fasts  preceding  the 
great  sacrifices,  in  the  severe  penances  for  transgres- 
sions, in  the  austere  life  exacted  of  the  student,  in  the 
laws  prescribing  conjugal  abstinence  for  the  first  three 
days  after  the  nuptial  rite  and  on  certain  specified 
days  of  every  month,  but,  above  all,  in  the  rigorous 
life  of  solitude  and  privation  to  which  not  a  few  de- 
voted their  declining  years.  These  were  the  so-called 
hermits  and  ascetics. 

The  majority  of  Brahmans  remained  householders 
to  the  end.  But  a  goodly  number,  having  paid  their 
three  debts  to  the  gods,  the  pitris,  and  the  rishis,  felt 
called  by  the  spirit  of  devotion  to  increase  their  store 
of  merit  by  renouncing  the  comforts  of  home  life  and 
withdrawing  to  the  forest  to  spend  the  rest  of  their 
days  in  seclusion,  meditation,  and  severe  discipline. 
The  Laws  of  Mann  recommend  old  age  as  the  proper 
time  for  embracing  the  ascetic  life.  "When  a  house- 
holder sees  his  skin  wrinkled  and  his  hair  white  and 

1  Maim,  iii.  122  ff. 


28  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

the    sons   of  his   sons,    then    he    may  resort  to  the 
forest."  1 

This  rule  seems  at  first  to  have  been  rigidly  ob- 
served ;  but,  in  the  course  of  time,  exceptions  came  to 
be  made  in  favor  of  young  and  even  unmarried  men, 
when  the  influence  of  pantheistic  speculations  led  to 
a  strong  prepossession  for  the  contemplative  life  and 
to  a  corresponding  indifiference  towards  sacrificial 
rites.^ 

In  withdrawing  to  the  solitude  of  the  forest,  he 
could  take  his  wife  with  him  if  he  so  chose.  There, 
as  a  hermit,  he  set  up  a  rude  hut,  maintained  the 
three  sacred  fires,  if  a  Brahman,  and  continued  to 
perform  the  sacrificial  rites.  The  morning  and  even- 
ing purificatory  bath  had  to  be  observed.  A  skin  or 
tattered  garment  was  his  only  clothing.  Abstaining 
from  honey  and  rich  foods,  he  had  to  subsist  on 
water,  fruit,  grain,  and  herbs,  giving  freely  of  his  store 
to  those  who  sought  his  hospitality.  He  was  allowed 
to  lay  aside  food  enough  to  last  him  for  a  year.^ 

Besides  these  hermits,  there  were  the  so-called 
ascetics,  who  devoted  themselves  to  a  life  of  even 
greater  austerity.  Renouncing  the  society  of  their 
wives,  and  incorporating  the  sacred  fires  within  their 
bodies  by  inhaling  the  smoke,  they  condemned  them- 
selves to  live  without  fire  and  with  no  shelter  save 

^  Manu,  vi.  2. 

2  Cf.  Baudhayana,  ii.  lo,  17,  2-5.  —  S.  B.  E.  XIV.  p.  273. 

8  Manu,  vi.  t,-iS.  — Baudh.  ii.  6,  11.  — S.  B.  E  XIV.  259. 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions       29 

that  of  a  spreading  tree.  They  subsisted  on  roots 
and  herbs,  and  on  alms  collected  at  the  kitchen-door 
when  meal-time  was  past  and  only  cold  victuals 
remained.  Water  was  their  only  drink.  Meat  could 
not  be  eaten. 

It  was  the  rule  for  ascetics  to  eat  but  once  a  dav, 
and  then  scarcely  enough  to  keep  away  the  pangs  of 
hunger.  "  Eight  mouthfuls  are  the  meal  of  an  as- 
cetic," runs  a  sacred  text,  "sixteen  that  of  a  hermit, 
thirty-two  that  of  a  householder,  an  unlimited  quantity 
for  a  student."  ^ 

The  severity  of  life  adopted  by  the  ascetic  was  not 
so  much  a  penitential  discipline  for  past  offences,  as  a 
means  of  acquiring  religious  merit  and  superhuman 
powers.  The  severer  the  mortification,  the  greater 
was  deemed  the  holiness  of  the  ascetic,  the  richer  his 
future  reward.  It  was  commonly  believed,  too,  that 
by  extraordinary  austerities  one  could  obtain  so 
great  a  mastery  over  the  body  as  to  become  invisible 
at  will,  or  to  float  in  the  air,  or  to  move  with  light- 
ning-speed to  distant  places.  And  so  the  more  am- 
bitious gave  themselves  up  to  a  variety  of  self- 
tortures  as  fanatic  as  they  were  absurd.  Listen,  for 
example,  to  the  methods  recommended  by  the  Laii's 
of  Manu  for  the  practice  of  bodily  mortification. 
"  Let  him  either  roll  about  on  the  ground  or  stan  1 
during  the  day  on  tiptoe,  or  let  him  alternately  stand 
and  sit  down.      In  summer  let  him  expose  himself  to 

1    Vasishtha,  vi.  20.  —  S.  B.  E.  XIV.  p.  37. 


30  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

the  heat  of  five  fires,  during  the  rainy  season  Hve 
under  the  open  sky,  and  in  winter  be  dressed  in  wet 
clothes,  thus  gradually  increasing  the  rigor  of  his 
austerities."  ^ 

The  most  common  means  of  rigorous  self-discipline 
was  fasting.  Various  were  the  forms  devised,  all  in- 
credibly severe,  and  some  of  them  grotesque.  They 
would  eat  at  every  fourth  meal-time,  or  at  every 
eighth;  or  they  would  conform  their  fast  to  the  rule 
of  the  lunar  penance.  Proceeding  from  an  absolute 
fast  on  the  day  of  the  new  moon,  they  would  increase 
their  meal  daily  by  the  addition  of  a  single  mouthful 
of  food,  till  at  full  moon  the  maximum  of  fourteen 
mouthfuls  was  reached,  and  then  during  the  days  of 
the  waning  moon  diminish  the  amount  of  food  in  a 
corresponding  manner.^  Others  lived  on  water  alone 
for  wonderfully  long  periods  of  time. 

But  mortifications  were  not  the  only  occupation  of 
the  ascetics.  The  practice  ofj'o^-a,  or  contemplation, 
was  also  a  prominent  feature  of  their  daily  life.  As- 
suming a  motionless  posture,  and  fixing  their  gaze 
steadily  on  some  object  before  them,  they  would  think 
intensely  on  an  abstract  subject  till  they  lapsed  into  a 
trance  and  fancied  they  were  brought  into  intimate 
union  with  the  supreme  deity.  Brahman.  The  fruit  of 
these  contemplations  was  the  pantheistic  conception 
of  the  deity,  the  soul,  and  salvation,  which  gave  rise 
to   new  schools  of  thought,   and   to  a   new  class  of 

1  Mann,  vi.  22-23.  ^  '^'*  '9'  2°- 


Social  and  Religious  Institutions       3  i 

sacred  literature,  —  the  so-called  Upanishads.  The 
abler  ascetics  thus  came  to  assume  the  role  of 
teachers  and  to  gather  about  them  disciples. 

In  becoming  an  ascetic,  ten  vows  were  taken. 
Five  were  known  as  the  greater  vows,  and  embraced 
(i)  avoidance  of  injury  to  all  living  things,  (2)  truth- 
fulness, (3)  respect  for  the  property-rights  of  others, 
(4)  absolute  chastity,  (5)  liberality.  The  five  minor 
vows  were  (i)  to  avoid  anger,  (2)  to  obey  the  guru, 
(3)  to  avoid  rashness,  (4)  to  be  cleanly,  (5)  to  observe 
purity  in  eating.^ 

1  Baitdk.  ii.  lo,  i8.  —  J.  B.  E.  XIV.  p.  279. 


CHAPTER   III 

RULES    OF   CONDUCT 

Multiplicity  of  Brahman  restrictions  —  Arbitrary  and    absurd  rules 

—  Food-restrictions,  especially  as  to  flesh-meat  and  spirituous 
liquors —  Penalty  for  drinking  sura  —  Contempt  for  manual  labor 

—  Occupations  held  to  be  degrading  and  impure  —  Precautions 
observed  in  drinking  and  walking  out  of  regard  for  insect  life  — 
High  standard  of  ethics — Insistence  on  forgiveness  of  injuries 

—  Moral  significance  of  thoughts  ckarly  recognized — Choice 
examples  of  Brahman  wisdom. 

THE  influence  which  Brahmanism  exercised  on 
the  conduct  of  those  who  acknowledged  its 
claims  was  remarkably  far-reaching  and  comprehen- 
sive. There  was  not  a  customary  action,  however 
private,  of  daily  life  that  was  not  regulated  by  pre- 
scribed rules.  Innumerable  restrictions,  partly  of 
the  nature  of  religious  taboos,  partly  prompted  by 
strange  notions  of  expedience  and  propriety,  ham- 
pered freedom  of  action  at  every  turn.  These  pre- 
cepts and  prohibitions  were  held  in  equal  respect 
with  the  recognized  ethical  duties,  from  which  they 
were  but  dimly  distinguished.  Nowhere,  in  fact,  do 
we  find  a  greater  confusion  of  the  laws  of  conduct 
based  on  the  divinely  established  order  with  those 


Rules  of  Conduct  33 

resting  on  inherited  superstitions  and  ceremonial  and 
social  observances.  In  the  sacred  law-books  setting 
forth  the  rules  of  moral  and  religious  conduct,  there 
is  a  hopeless  entanglement  of  what  is  truly  noble 
with  what  is  trivial,  an  incredible  mixture  of  gold 
with  dross.  In  the  most  unexpected  manner,  the 
Brahman  expounder  of  right  conduct  gravely  links 
together  sound  moral  precepts  with  rules  of  action 
the  most  silly  and  ludicrous ;  for  all  are  of  equal 
importance  in  his  eyes.  Here  are  a  few  examples 
from  the  Laws  of  Maim. 

"  Keeping  his  hair,  nails,  and  beard  clipped,  subduing  his 
passions  by  austerities,  wearing  white  garments  and  [keep- 
ing himself]  pure,  he  [/.  c.,  the  householder]  shall  always  be 
engaged  in  studying  the  Veda  and  [such  acts  as  are]  con- 
ducive to  his  welfare. 

"  Let  him  not  step  over  a  rope  to  which  a  calf  is  tied,  let 
him  not  run  when  it  rains,  and  let  him  not  look  at  his  own 
image  in  water. 

"  Let  him  pass  by  [a  mound  of]  earth,  a  cow,  an  idol,  a 
Brahman,  clarified  butter,  honey,  a  cross-way,  and  well- 
known  trees  turning  his  right  hand  towards  them."  ^ 

*'  Let  him  never  play  with  dice  nor  himself  take  off  his 
shoes,  let  him  not  eat  lying  in  bed,  nor  what  has  been 
placed  in  his  hand,  nor  on  his  seat. 

"  Let  him  eat  while  his  feet  are  [yet]  wet  [from  the  ablu- 
tion], but  let  him  not  go  to  bed  with  wet  feet."  ^ 

"  Let  him  who  desires  prosperity,  indeed,  never  despise 
a  Kshatriya,  a  snake,  any  learned  Brahman,  be  they  ever 
so  feeble."  ^ 

1  Mauu,  iv.  35,  38,  39.  2  iv_  7^^  ^g.  3  iv.  135. 

3 


34  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

"  Let  him  never  offend  the  teacher  who  initiated  him,  nor 
him  who  explains  the  Veda,  nor  his  father  and  mother,  nor 
[any  other]  guru,  nor  cows,  nor  Brahmans,  nor  any  men  per- 
forming austerities.  Let  him  avoid  atheism,  cavilling  at  the 
Vedas,  contempt  of  the  gods,  hatred,  want  of  modesty,  pride, 
anger,  and  harshness."  ^ 

"  Let  him  never  bathe  in  tanks  belonging  to  other  men  ; 
if  he  bathes  [in  such  a  one],  he  is  tainted  by  a  portion  of 
the  guilt  of  him  who  made  the  tank. 

"  He  who  uses  without  permission  a  carriage,  a  bed,  a 
seat,  a  well,  a  garden,  or  a  house  belonging  to  another  [man], 
takes  upon  himself  one-fourth  of  [the  owner's]  guilt."  ^ 

To  the  Christian  reader,  this  hopeless  confusion 
brings  a  constant  series  of  surprises,  producing  alter- 
nately feelings  of  admiration  and  amusement,  sym- 
pathy and  disgust.  One  marvels  how  religious 
minds  that  possessed  so  clear  a  vision  of  many 
moral  truths  could  be  so  blinded  as  to  give  their 
unshaken  approval  to  a  multitude  of  absurd  and 
puerile  superstitions. 

In .  the  matter  of  food,  the  religious  restrictions 
were  numerous  and  severe.  Almost  all  kinds  of 
fish  were  forbidden,  as  well  as  many  kinds  of  land- 
animals,  such  as  carnivorous  and  web-footed  birds, 
village-fowls,  village-pigs,  camels,  horses,  and  other 
one-hoofed  beasts.  Even  the  lawful  kinds  of  fish, 
fowl,  and  meat  could  not  be  used  as  ordinary  articles 
of  diet.  It  was  only  on  occasions  of  entertaining 
guests,  and  of  sacrificing  to  the  gods  and  pitris,  that 

^  Mann,  iv.  162,  163.  -  iv.  201,  202. 


Rules  of  Conduct  35 

they  could  be  eaten  without  sin.  The  animals  slain 
on  such  occasions  were  thought  to  be  greatly  bene- 
fited, inasmuch  as  their  immolation  was  rewarded  by 
a  rebirth  in  a  higher  and  more  blessed  existence. 

"  Herbs,  trees,  cattle,  birds,  and  [other]  animals  that  have 
been  destroyed  for  sacrifices,  receive  [being  reborn]  higher 
existences. 

"  On  offering  the  honey-mixture  [to  a  guest],  at  a  sacri- 
fice and  at  the  rites  in  honor  of  the  manes,  but  on  these 
occasions  only,  may  an  animal  be  slain ;  that  Manu 
proclaimed. 

"  A  twice-born  man  who,  knowing  the  true  meaning  of 
the  Veda,  slays  an  animal  for  these  purposes,  causes  both 
himself  and  the  animal  to  enter  a  most  blessed  state."  ^ 

But  to  slaughter  an  animal  for  ordinary  purposes 
of  consumption  was  accounted  a  grave  injury,  the 
guilt  of  which  was  shared  by  those  who  used  any  of 
its  flesh  as  food. 

"  Meat  can  never  be  obtained  without  injury  to  living 
creatures,  and  injury  to  sentient  beings  is  detrimental  to  [the 
attainment  of]  heavenly  bliss  ;  let  him  therefore  shun  [the 
use  of]   meat. 

"  Having  well  considered  the  [disgusting]  origin  of  flesh 
and  the  [cruelty  of]  fettering  and  slaying  corporeal  beings, 
let  him  entirely  abstain  from  eating  flesh. 

"  He  who  permits  [the  slaughter  of  an  animal],  he  who 
cuts  it  up,  he  who  kills  it,  he  who  buys  and  sells  [meat], 
he  who  cooks  it,  he  who  serves  it  up,  and  he  who  eats  it,. 
[must  all  be  considered  as]  the  slayers  [of  the  animal]. 

1  Mann,  IV.  40-42. 


36  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

"  There  is  no  greater  sinner  tlian  tliat  man  who,  though 

not  worshipping  the  gods  or  the  manes,  seeks  to  increase 

[the    bulk    of]  his    own     flesh    by   the      flesh    of    other 
[beings]."^ 

Other  articles  of  food  were  likewise  put  under  the 
ban.  It  was  wrong  to  use  the  milk  of  sheep,  camels, 
mares,  and  even  of  cows  within  ten  days  of  calving. 
So  vigorous  was  the  prohibition  against  mushrooms, 
onions,  leeks,  and  garlic,  that  to  use  such  food  know- 
ingly was  accounted  a  crime  involving  loss  of  caste. 

To  the  Brahman,  all  sorts  of  spirituous  liquors  were 
forbidden  under  pain  of  forfeiture  of  all  caste-privi- 
leges. The  very  dignity  of  his  position  demanded 
that  he  should  be  a  total  abstainer.  Members  of  the 
other  castes  were  allowed  the  use  of  liquors  distilled 
from  molasses  and  from  Madhuka  flowers.  But  the 
so-called  sura,  a  highly  intoxicating  drink  distilled 
from  ground  rice,  corn,  and  barley,  was  solemnly 
forbidden  to  all  without  distinction.  To  indulge  in 
this  form  of  beverage  w^as  held  to  be  one  of  the 
greatest  of  crimes,  the  expiation  of  which  called  for 
penances  appaUing  for  their  severity. 

"A  twice-born  man  who  has  [intentionally]  drunk  through 
delusion  of  mind  [the  spirituous  liquor  called]  Sura,  shall 
drink  that  liquor  boiling  hot  ;  when  his  body  has  been 
completely  scalded  by  that,  he  is  freed  from  guilt ; 

"  Or  he  may  drink  cows'  urine,  water,  milk,  clarifled 
butter,  or  [liquid]  cow-dung  boiling  hot  till  he  dies ; 

1  Manti.  iv,  4S-52. 


Rules  of  Conduct  37 

"  Or,  in  order  to  remove  the  guilt  of  drinking  Sura,  he  may 
eat  during  a  year  once  [a  day]  at  night  grains  [of  rice]  or 
oilcake,  wearing  clothes  made  of  cow-hair  and  his  own  hair 
in  braids,  and  carrying  [a  wine  cup  as]  a  badge."  ^ 

No  less  subject  to  rigorous  restrictions  was  the 
manner  of  gaining  a  livelihood.  As  in  the  civiliza- 
tions of  Greece  and  Rome,  so  too  in  Brahmanism, 
the  dignity  of  manual  industry  failed  of  recognition. 
It  was  held  to  be  a  defilement  for  a  Brahman  or  a 
Kshatriya  to  support  himself  by  the  labor  of  his 
hands.  If  hard  pressed  by  lack  of  means,  he  was 
permitted  to  practise  through  the  agency  of  others 
the  occupations  lawful  to  the  Vaisya,  namely,  agri- 
culture, cattle-raising,  and  a  few  kinds  of  trade.  But  the 
contempt  in  which  these  pursuits  were  held  may  be 
judged  from  the  fact  that  shepherds,  shopkeepers, 
and  those  who  subsisted  by  agriculture  were  ex- 
cluded as  unworthy  guests  from  participation  in  the 
sraddha  feasts  in  honor  of  the  pitris.^ 

More  contemptible  still  were  the  numerous  occu- 
pations that  necessitated  contact  with  substances  held 
to  be  defiling,  or  that  tainted  the  purity  of  fire  and 
water,  or  that  involved  the  slaughter  of  animals  and 
the  felling  of  trees.  All  who  engaged  in  such  forms 
of  business  were  treated  as  outcasts.  A  Brahman 
could  not  accept  food  from  a  carpenter,  a  tailor,  a 
worker  in  leather  or  metals,  nor  even  from  a  physi- 
cian;  for  they  were  all  held  to  be  impure. 

1  Manu,  xi.  91-93.  ^  Jii,  i^^^  i(3^_  and  166. 


38  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

"  Let  him  never  eat  [food  given]  by  intoxicated,  angry,  or 
sick  [men],  .  .  . 

*'  Nor  the  food  given  by  a  thief,  a  musician,  a  carpenter, 
a  usurer,  ...  a  miser,  one  bound  with  fetters.  .  .  . 

"  Nor  [the  food  given]  by  a  physician,  a  hunter,  a  cruel 
man.  .  .  . 

"  Nor  the  food  [given]  by  an  informer,  by  one  who  hab- 
itually tells  falsehoods,  nor  by  one  who  sells  [the  rewards 
for]  sacrifices,  nor  the  food  [given]  by  an  actor,  a  tailor,  or 
an  ungrateful  [man], 

"  By  a  blacksmith,  a  Nishada,  a  stage-player,  a  gold- 
smith, a  basket-maker,  or  a  dealer  in  weapons, 

"  By  trainers  of  hunting  dogs,  publicans,  a  washerman, 
a  dyer."  ' 

The  scrupulous  regard  for  all  forms  of  animal  and 
vegetable  life,  developed  by  the  doctrine  of  transmi- 
gration, gave  rise  to  restrictive  rules  of  conduct  that 
bordered  on  the  absurd.  Insects,  however  repulsive 
and  noxious,  could  not  be  killed.  Water  could  not 
be  drunk  till  it  was  first  strained,  lest  minute  forms  of 
life  should  be  swallowed  and  destroyed.  We  have 
just  seen  how  carpentry,  basket-making,  working  in 
leather,  and  other  respectable  occupations  were  held 
in  disrepute,  because  they  could  not  be  carried  on 
without  a  certain  cost  of  plant  and  animal  life.  Some 
zealots  went  so  far  as  to  question  the  blamelessness 
of  tilling  the  ground  on  account  of  the  unavoidable 
injury  done  to  worms  and  insects  in  ploughing.^ 

But  it  was  of  ascetics  that  the  greatest  precautions 

1  Manu,  iv.  207-216.  -  x.  S4. 


Rules  of  Conduct  39 

were  exacted.  In  walking,  they  had  to  scan  the 
ground  carefully  before  them  so  as  to  avoid  crush- 
ing any  living  creature.  It  was  forbidden  them  to 
tread  on  a  ploughed  field.  During  the  rainy  season, 
when  insects  swarmed  on  the  ground  in  greatest 
number,  they  were  allowed  to  move  about  as  little  as 
possible. 1 

Through  these  superstitious  restrictions  and  many 
others  of  minor  importance,  freedom  of  action  was 
very  narrowly  circumscribed  for  the  devotee  of  Brah- 
manism.  This  was  especially  true  of  the  Brahman 
himself,  who  was  obliged  to  eschew  many  things  that 
were  lawful  for  members  of  the  other  castes.  It  is 
not  surprising  that  the  more  scrupulous  felt  life  to  be 
a  burden,  and  became  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
pessimism. 

But  if  we  abstract  from  this  superstitious  and  arbi- 
trary limitation  of  human  conduct,  and  take  into  con- 
sideration the  Brahman  teaching  of  right  and  wrong 
in  the  recognized  sphere  of  ethics,  we  are  confronted 
with  a  largeness  and  depth  of  moral  discernment  that 
justly  excites  our  admiration. 

Truthfulness,  honesty,  self-control,  obedience  to 
parents  and  superiors,  the  moderate  use  of  food  and 
drink,  chastity,  and  almsgiving  were  strongly  incul- 
cated. Especial  stress  was  laid  on  the  duty  of  acting 
charitably  towards  students,  ascetics,  the  sick,  the 
aged,  and   the   feeble.     Though   allowing,  like   other 

1  JlliUiu,  vi.  46  ff. 


40  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

religions  of  antiquity,  polygamy  and  repudiation, 
Brahmanism  strongly  forbade  adultery  and  all  forms 
of  unchaste  indulgence.  It  condemned,  likewise,  in 
severe  terms  suicide,  abortion,  perjury,  slander, 
drunkenness,  gambling,  oppressive  usury,  hypocrisy, 
and  slothfulness.  Its  Christian-like  aim  to  soften  the 
hard  side  of  human  nature  is  seen  in  its  many  lessons 
of  mildness,  forbearance,  respect  for  the  aged,  kind- 
ness towards  servants  and  slaves,  and  in  its  insisting, 
though  to  an  excessive  degree,  on  not  causing  death 
to  any  living  creature.  Wanton  cruelty  to  animals, 
met  from  the  Brahman  the  reprobation  it  deserves. 
Nothing  is  more  striking  than  its  insistence  on  the 
duty  of  forgiving  injuries  and  returning  good  for 
evil.     In  the  Laws  of  Manu,  we  read  of  the  ascetic: 

"  Let  him  patiently  bear  hard  words,  let  him  not  insult 
anybody  ;  and  let  him  not  become  anybody's  enemy  for  the 
sake  of  this  [perishable]  body. 

"  Against  an  angry  man  let  him  not  in  return  show  anger, 
let  him  bless  when  cursed,  and  let  him  not  utter  speech,  de- 
void of  truth,  scattered  at  the  seven  gates."  ^ 

Nor  did  this  standard,  so  remarkable,  of  moral  right 
and  wrong,  apply  simply  to  external  acts.  It  pene- 
trated to  the  secret  chamber  of  the  heart.  It  de- 
manded recognition  of  the  very  will.  The  threefold 
division  of  good  and  bad  acts  into  thoughts,  words, 
and  deeds,  finds  frequent  expression  in  Brahmanic 
teaching. 

1  Mamt,  vi.  47,  48. 


Rules  of  Conduct  41 

*'  He,  forsooth,  whose  speech  and  thoughts  are  pure  and 
ever  perfectly  guarded,  gahis  the  whole  reward  which  is  con- 
ferred by  the  Vedanta.""  ^ 

"  Let  him  not  even,  though  in  pain  [speak  words],  cutting 
[others]  to  the  quick  ;  let  him  not  injure  others  in  thought  or; 
deed  ;  let  him  not  utter  speeches  which  make  [others]  afraid 
of  him,  since  that  will  prevent  him  from  gaining  heaven."  ^ 

"  Neither  [the  study  of]  the  Vedas  nor  liberality,  nor 
sacrifices,  nor  any  self-imposed  restraint,  nor  austerities, 
ever  procure  the  attainment  [of  rewards]  to  a  man  whose 
heart  is  contaminated  with  sensuality."'  ^ 

'•'The  wife  who  keeps  chaste  in  thoughts,  words,  and 
body,  and  remains  faithful  to  her  husband,  attains  to  a  re- 
union with  him  in  the  next  world  and  is  called  virtuous."  * 

The  Laws  of  Mami  abound  in  noble  sentiments 
like  these.  The  more  striking  ones  have  been  culled 
out  by  Monier  Williams  and  finely  translated  in  his 
work  entitled  BraJinianism  and  Hindnisui.  It  is  from 
this  collection  that  the  following  choice  sentences 
have  been  taken  :  — 

"  From  poison  thou  mayest  take  the  food  of  life, 
The  purest  gold  from  lumps  of  impure  earth, 
Example  of  good  conduct  from  a  foe, 
Sweet  speech  and  gentleness  from  e'en  a  child,  — 
Something  from  all  ;  from  men  of  low  degree 
Lessons  of  wisdom  if  thou  humble  be."  ^ 

"  He  who  by  firmness  gains  the  mastery 
Over  his  words,  his  mind,  and  his  whole  body, 
Is  justly  called  a  triple  governor."  ® 

^  Mann,  ii.  i6o.  ^  ji_  160-161.  ^  ii.  97. 

*  V.  155  ;  cf.  xi.  232,  242;  xii.  3-10.  ^  ii.  238,  239. 

^  xii.  10. 


42  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

"  E'en  as  a  driver  checks  his  restive  steeds, 
Do  thou,  if  thou  art  wise,  restrain  thy  passions, 
Which,  running  wild,  will  hurry  thee  away."  ^ 

"  Pride  not  thyself  on  thy  religious  works  ; 
Give  to  the  poor,  but  talk  not  of  thy  gifts, 
By  pride  religious  merit  melts  away, 
The  merit  of  thy  alms  by  ostentation."  ^ 

"  None  sees  us,  say  the  sinful  in  their  hearts ; 
Yes,  the  gods  see  them,  and  the  omniscient  spirit 
Within  their  breasts.     Thou  thinkest,  O  good  friend, 
'  I  am  alone,'  but  there  resides  within  thee 
A  being  who  respects  thy  every  act, 
Knows  all  thy  goodness  and  thy  wickedness."  ^ 

"  If  with  the  greatest  Divinity  who  dwells 
Within  thy  breast,  thou  hast  no  controversy. 
Go  not  to  Ganges'  water  to  be  cleansed, 
Nor  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Kuru's  fields."  * 

'•'  Contentment  is  the  root  of  happiness, 
And  discontent  the  root  of  misery. 
Wouldst  thou  be  happy,  be  thou  moderate."  ^ 


■?  6 


"  Thou  canst  not  gather  what  thou  dost  not  sow 
As  thou  dost  plant  the  tree,  so  will  it  grow 

"  Depend  not  on  another,  rather  lean 
Upon  thyself;  trust  to  thine  own  exertions, 
Subjection  to  another's  will  gives  pain  ; 
True  happiness  consists  in  self-reliance."'' 


1  Mamf,  ii.  88. 

2  iv.  236,  237. 

3  viii.  85,  91. 

*  viii.  92. 

5  iv.  12. 

6  Lx.  40. 

7  iv.  160. 

Rules  of  Conduct  43 

"  Strive  to  complete  the  task  thou  hast  commenced ; 
Wearied,  renew  thy  efforts  once  again  ; 
Again  fotigued,  once  more  the  work  begin, 
So  shalt  thou  earn  success  and  fortune  win."  ^ 

"  Be  courteous  to  thy  guest  who  visits  thee  ; 
Offer  a  seat,  bed,  water,  food  enough, 
According  to  thy  substance,  hospitahty  ; 
Naught  taking  for  thyself  till  he  be  served ; 
Homage  to  guests  brings  wealth,  fame,  hfe,  and  heaven."  "^ 

*'  Though  thou  mayest  suffer  for  thy  righteous  acts, 
Ne'er  give  thy  mind  to  aughl  but  honest  gain."  ^ 

"  Fidelity  till  death,  this  is  the  sum 
Of  mutual  duties  for  a  married  pair."  * 

"  Then  only  is  a  man  a  perfect  man 
When  he  is  three,  —  himself,  his  wife,  his  son,  — 
For  thus  have  learned  men  the  law  declared, 
'  A  husband  is  one  person  with  his  wife.'  "  ^ 

"  When  Goodness,  wounded  by  Iniquity, 
Comes  to  a  court  of  justice,  and  the  judge 
Extracts  not  tenderly  the  pointed  dart, 
That  very  shaft  shall  pierce  him  to  the  heart."  *^ 

''  Daily  perform  thine  own  appointed  work 
Unweariedly ;  and  to  obtain  a  friend,  — 
A  sure  companion  to  the  future  world,  — 
Collect  a  store  of  virtue  like  the  ants, 
Who  garner  up  their  treasures  into  heaps  ; 
For  neither  father,  mother,  wife,  nor  son, 

1  Manu,  ix.  300.  2  iii.  lo6;  iv.  29.  ^  iv_  jyj, 

■4  ix.  loi.  ^  ix.  45.  ^  viii.  12. 


44  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

Nor  kinsman  will  remain  beside  thee  then  ; 

When  thou  art  passing  to  that  other  home, 

Thy  virtue  will  thy  only  comrade  be. 

Single  is  every  living  creature  born, 

Single  he  passes  to  another  world/ 

Single  he  eats  the  fruit  of  evil  deeds, 

Single,  the  fruit  of  good  ;  and  when  he  leaves 

His  body  like  a  log  or  heap  of  clay 

Upon  the  ground,  his  kinsmen  walk  away; 

Virtue  alone  stays  by  him  at  the  tomb, 

And  bears  him  through  the  weary,  trackless  gloom."  "^ 

The  following  passage,  not  translated  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, reminds  one  of  the  familiar  utterance  in  Wisdom^ 
iv.  8 :  — 

"  No  man  is  old  because  his  hair  is  gray  ; 
Who  knows  the  Veda,  though  he  still  be  young, 
Is  by  the  gods  accounted  rich  in  years."  ^ 

^  "  Je  mourrai  seal."  —  Pascal. 

2  Maiiu,  iv.  238-242.  3  ji_  i^5_ 


CHAPTER    IV 

PANTHEISTIC    SPECULATIONS 

The  development  towards  monotheism  :  Prajapati-Brahman  —  The 
rise  of  pantheistic  speculations  —  The  Upanishads  —  Brahman- 
Atman-Purusha  identified  with  all  things-  The  incomprehensi- 
bility of  Brahman — Maya — Rebirth  and  misery  due  to  maya  — 
Brahman  pessimism  —  Recognition  of  man's  identity  with  Brah- 
man the  only  means  of  salvation  —  Absorption  into  Brahman  the 
true  end  of  man  —  Pantheism  subversive  of  traditional  Brahman- 
ism,  though  nominally  in  harmony  with  it. 

WE  have  already  seen  that  the  rehgion  of  the 
Vedic  hymns  was  characterized  by  a  strong 
monotheistic  tendency.  The  need  was  felt  of  a 
supreme  god  endowed  with  the  attributes  of  omnip- 
otence, omniscience,  and  retributive  justice  ;  but  in  the 
choice  of  the  deity  there  was  great  uncertainty.  To 
different  gods,  Varuna,  Mitra,  Agni,  Indra,  Soma, 
was  accorded  in  turn  the  honor  of  supremacy.  The 
worshipper  who  yesterday  praised  Varuna  as  supreme, 
was  found  to-day  bestowing  the  same  compliment  on 
Indra  or  some  other  deity.  For  a  while,  indeed, 
Varuna  bid  fair  to  outshine  the  other  gods  and  win 
his  way  to  exclusive  supremacy.  But  a  stronger 
current  of  popularity  set  in  favor  of  Indra,  who  in 
turn  soon  found  a  formidable  rival  in  Agni. 


46  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

The  inconsistency  of  thus  attributing  to  several 
gods  properties  that,  strictly  speaking,  could  belong 
to  one  alone,  seems  to  have  made  itself  felt  in  the 
minds  of  the  priestly  class.  And  so  in  the  later 
Vedic  hymns  we  find  a  new  deity  coming  into  recog- 
nition. This  was  Prajapati,  lord  of  creatures,  omnip- 
otent and  supreme,  the  upholder  of  the  moral  order. 
The  gods  of  the  ancient  pantheon  came  to  be  viewed, 
now  as  the  creatures  of  Prajapati,  now  as  the  various 
forms  under  which  he  made  himself  known.  This 
new  deity  seems  to  have  been  a  priestly,  rather  than 
a  popular,  conception.  It  won  its  way  into  the 
liturgy;  but  meanwhile  Indra,  Agni,  Soma,  and  the 
other  gods  continued  to  hold  their  old  place  in 
worship  and  in  popular  esteem.  Another  designa- 
tion of  Prajapati  was  Brahman,  and  it  is  by  this  latter 
name  that  the  supreme  deity  came  in  the  course  of 
time  to  be  commonly  addressed.  In  the  popular 
religion,  however,  Brahman  had  a  rather  shadowy 
existence,  being  more  remote  than  the  gods  of 
ancient  tradition  and  hence  less  prominently  the 
direct  object  of  worship. 

Such  was  the  development  towards  monotheism  in 
the  popular  Brahmanic  religion.  But  besides  this, 
there  was  a  parallel  movement  towards  pantheism. 

That  the  gods  of  the  Vedas  were  but  feebly  in- 
dividualized is  plainly  shown  by  the  readiness  with 
which  the  attributes  of  one  god  were  transferred  to 
another.      Hence  when  the   new  conception  of   the 


Pantheistic  Speculations  47 

supreme  deity  Prajapati  or  Brahman  came  to  be 
recognized,  it  was  an  easy  step  to  identify  with  him 
the  various  gods  of  tradition.  But  herein  lay  a  grave 
danger  of  lapsing  into  pantheism,  owing  to  the  asso- 
ciation of  these  gods  with  material  phenomena.  For 
if  the  sun-god,  fire-god,  earth-god,  heaven-god,  and 
the  rest  were  nothing  more  than  manifestations  of 
the  supreme  deity,  then  the  conclusion  seemed 
legitimate  to  many  that  the  very  sun,  fire,  earth, 
heaven,  and  other  parts  of  the  visible  universe  were 
identical  with  Brahman. 

It  was  but  another  step  to  identify  man  himself 
with  this  great  underlying  deity,  and  the  pantheistic 
theory  was  nearly  complete. 

This  school  of  thought  was  not  a  popular  one. 
It  was  esoteric  in  its  teachings.  Not  all  Brahmans, 
even,  were  initiated  into  its  mysterious  but  precious 
wisdom.  It  was  chiefly  the  possession  of  those  who 
lived  apart  in  the  forest  as  hermits  and  ascetics.  The 
more  influential  assumed  the  role  of  teachers,  founded 
schools,  and  by  the  accumulation  of  their  aphorisms 
gave  rise  to  a  new  class  of  literature,  the  philosophic, 
mystical,  pantheistic  treatises  known  as  the  Aranyakas 
and  Upmiisliads. 

Like  the  New  Testament,  the  Upanishads  do  not 
attempt  to  give  a  systematic  exposition  of  doctrine. 
Nor  do  they  agree  in  all  details,  for  they  are  the 
products  of  various  rival  schools  of  thought.  They 
consist  largely  of  dialogues  and  tracts  setting  forth 


48  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

in  a  mysterious  manner  the  pantheistic  way  of  salva- 
tion. Thrown  together  without  orderly  arrangement, 
these  teachings  are  mingled  with  many  absurdities 
and  puerile  explanations.  In  the  course  of  time  they 
took  their  place  with  the  Vedas  and  Brahmanas  as 
inspired  books,  being  also  known  as  the  Vedanta  (End 
of  the  Veda).  They  became  the  authoritative  basis 
for  the  Vedanta  school  of  religious  philosophy,  which 
has  maintained  its  existence  down  to  the  present  day.^ 

The  fundamental  tenet  of  the  pantheistic  school 
was  the  absolute  identity  of  all  existing  things  with 
one  self-existent,  spiritual  being.  This  being  went 
by  various  names.  Now  it  was  called  Prajapati,  now 
Brahman,  now  Purusha  (the  Male  or  Person),  now 
Atman  (the  Self).  By  Atman  was  meant  primarily 
the  principle  of  life  and  personality  in  each  individual. 
Not  till  after  the  identity  of  each  individual  self  with 
Brahman  was  recognized,  does  the  word  Atman 
seem  to  have  become  a  designation  of  the  highest 
deity. 

Like  the  materialists,  the  pantheistic  Brahmans 
sought  to  reduce  all  things  animate  and  inanimate 
to  terms  of  one  simple  substance.  But  while  the 
former  declare  that  all  things  are  matter,  the  latter 
held  all  things  to  be  spirit.  The  material  world  with 
its  endless  variety  of  forms  was  Brahman.  Man  was 
Brahman.     The  very  gods   were  Brahman.     Out  of 

'  The  principal  Upanishads  have  been  translated  in  vol.  I.  and  XV. 
of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  49 

Brahman,  by  a  process  of  emanation,  came  all  in- 
dividual beings,  and  into  Brahman  they  were  des- 
tined ultimately  to  be  absorbed  and  to  lose  their 
individuality,  just  as  the  drops  of  spray  tossed  up 
from  the  surface  of  the  ocean  fall  back  to  become 
one  again  with  the  great  parent  mass. 

"  This  is  the  truth.  As  from  a  blazing  fire  sparks  like 
unto  fire  fly  forth  a  thousandfold,  thus  are  various  beings 
brought  forth  from  the  Imperishable,  my  friend,  and  return 
thither  also.  .  .  .  From  him  [when  entering  on  creation] 
is  born  breath,  mind,  and  all  organs  of  sense,  ether,  air, 
light,  water,  and  the  earth,  the  support  of  all.  .  .  .  From 
him  the  many  Devas  too  are  begotten,  the  Sadhyas  [genii], 
men,  catUe,  birds.  .  .  .   The  Person  is  all  this.'"  ' 

"  All  this  is  Brahman.  Let  a  man  meditate  on  that  [visi- 
ble world]  as  beginning,  ending,  and  breathing  in  it  [the 
Brahman].  .  .  .  He  from  whom  all  works,  all  desires,  all 
sweet  odors  and  tastes  proceed,  who  embraces  all  this,  who 
never  speaks  and  who  is  never  surprised,  he,  myself  within 
the  heart,  is  that  Brahman."^ 

What  was  the  nature  of  this  all-embracing,  all- 
pervading  deity?  In  the  answer  to  this  question, 
we  see  the  wide  difference  between  the  anthropo- 
morphic conception  of  the  traditional  nature-gods 
and  the  pantheistic  notion  of  Brahman.  Brahman 
is  as  hard  to  describe  as  pure  matter.     He  is  without 

'  Mundaka  Upanishad,  ii.  i.  —  S.  B.  E.  XV.  pp.  34-35.  Cf.  Katha. 
Upan.  ii.  5.— 5".  B.  E.  XV.  p.  19. 

-  Chaiidogya  Upanishad,  iii.  14.  —  S.  B.  E.  I.  p.  48. 

4 


50  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

parts,  without  form,  a  subtile    essence    that   cannot 
be  apprehended. 

"  That  which  cannot  be  seen,  nor  seized,  which  has  no 
family  and  no  caste,  no  eyes  nor  ears,  no  hands  nor  feet, 
the  eternal,  the  omnipresent  [all-pervading],  infinitesimal, 
that  which  is  imperishable,  that  it  is  which  the  wise  regard 
as  the  source  of  all  beings."  ^ 

In  his  own  domain  of  eternal,  unchangeable  exist- 
ence, he  is  all  but  unconscious ;  for  according  to 
Hindu  thought,  there  is  nothing  for  him  to  perceive 
since  he  himself  is  all  that  is,  and  since  perception 
implies  duality,  a  distinction  between  the  perceiver 
and  the  perceived. 

"Verily,  beloved,  that  Self  is  imperishable  and  of  an  in- 
destructible nature.  For  when  there  is,  as  it  were,  duality, 
then  one  sees  the  other,  one  smells  the  other,  one  tastes  the 
other,  one  salutes  the  other,  one  hears  the  other,  one  per- 
ceives the  other,  one  touches  the  other,  one  knows  the 
other ;  but  when  the  Self  only  is  all  this,  how  should  he  see 
another,  how  should  he  smell  another,  how  should  he  taste 
another,  how  should  he  salute  another,  how  should  he  hear 
another,  how  should  he  touch  another,  how  should  he  know 
another?  How  should  he  know  him  by  whom  he  knows 
all  this?  That  Self  is  to  be  described  by  no,  no  !  He  is 
incomprehensible,  for  he  cannot  be  comprehended  ;  he  is 
imperishable,  for  he  cannot  perish ;  he  is  unattached,  for  he 
does  not  attach  himself;  unfettered,  he  does  not  suffer,  he 
does  not  fail."  - 

1  ^^lnld.  upon.  i.  I.  — ^.  ^.  E.  XV.  p.  2S. 

2  Brihad-aranyaka  Upanishad,  iv.  5.  —  S.  B.  E.  XV.  p.  1S5. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  5  i 

This  recognized  unity  of  all  things  in  the  incom- 
prehensible Self,  or  Brahman,  necessarily  implied  the 
corresponding  persuasion  that  the  things  of  sense 
were  not  what  they  seemed.  The  manifold  external 
world  was  inaya,  illusion.  It  had  no  real  existence, 
being  but  a  passing  manifestation  of  Brahman.  Even 
the  gods  were  not  real  entities,  having  an  existence 
of  their  own.  Like  man,  like  the  tree  and  the  stone, 
they  were  but  transitory  emanations  of  the  one,  un- 
changing, incomprehensible  spirit.  Brahman  alone 
existed.     He  alone  was  eternal,  imperishable. 

It  was  the  misfortune  of  men  at  large  not  to  real- 
ize this  double  truth.  To  take  maya  for  reality,  to 
delude  himself  into  the  belief  that  he  was  a  distinct 
individual  with  a  personality  of  his  own,  was  the 
fatal  mistake  of  the  ignorant  and  thoughtless  man. 
It  was  this  false  view  of  things  that  lay  at  the  root 
of  all  misery.  For,  ignoring  his  identity  with  Brah- 
man, he  did  not  see  that  his  true  end,  and  conse- 
quently his  highest  bliss,  consisted  in  being  absorbed 
into  the  great  spirit  from  which  he  sprang.  He  was 
led  to  set  his  heart  on  a  merely  personal  existence. 
He  became  a  creature  of  desires,  and  attaching  him- 
self to  objects  unworthy  of  his  affection,  stained  his 
soul  with  guilt. 

"  Carried  along  by  the  waves  of  the  qualities,  darkened  in 
his  imaginations,  unstable,  fickle,  crippled,  full  of  desires, 
vacillating,  he  enters  into  belief,  believing,  '  I  am  he.'  'this 
is  mine'  ;  he  binds  his  self  by  his  self,  as  a  bird  with  a  net, 


52  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

and  overcome  afterwards  by  the  fruits  of  what  he  has  done, 
he  enters  on  a  good  or  bad  birth  ;  downward  or  upward  is 
his  course,  and  overcome  by  the  pairs,  he  roams  about."  -^ 

According  to  popular  Brahmanic  belief,  l.he  obli- 
gation of  being  born  again  was  incurred  only  by 
those  whose  transgressions  in  the  present  lite,  as  well 
as  in  past  forms  of  existence,  had  not  been  expiated 
by  proper  penance.  Rebirth  was  nothing  else  than 
a  form  of  punishment.  The  man  who  died  rich  in 
merit  and  free  from  guilt  was  promised  a  personal 
existence  of  endless  bliss  above. 

In  the  Upanishad  school,  a  different  view  prevailed. 
Tortures  in  hell,  and  vile  rebirths  continued  to  be 
recognized  as  the  punishments  of  wickedness.  But 
freedom  from  all  rebirth  was  also  denied  to  the 
virtuous  man  who,  ignorant  of  his  identity  with 
Brahman,  counted  on  a  personal  existence.  By 
virtue  of  his  good  works,  he  would  mount  to  heaven, 
he  might  even  win  a  place  among  the  gods.  But 
this  individual  life  of  rest  and  bliss  was  at  best  but 
fleeting.  It  could  not  last  forever.  After  a  while, 
his  store  of  merits  would  give  out  like  oil  in  a  lamp, 
and  he  would  then  have  to  descend  once  more  to 
earth  to  taste  in  a  new  birth  the  bitterness  of  earthly 
existence. 

''  Fools  dwelling  in  darkness,  wise  in  their  own  conceit 
and  puffed  up  with  vain  knowledge,  go  round  and  round, 

1  Maitrayana-Brahmana  Upanishad,  iii.  3. — S.  B.  E.  XV.  p.  297. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  53 

staggering  to  and  fro  like  blind  men  led  by  the  blind. 
Children  when  they  have  long  lived  in  ignorance,  consider 
themselves  happy.  Because  those  who  depend  on  their 
good  works  are,  owing  to  their  passions,  improvident,  they 
fall  and  become  miserable  when  their  life  [in  the  world 
which  they  had  gained  by  their  good  works]  is  finished. 
Considering  sacrifice  and  good  works  as  the  best,  these  fools 
know  no  higher  good,  and  having  enjoyed  [their  reward]  on 
the  height  of  heaven  gained  by  good  works,  they  enter  again 
this  world  or  a  lower  one."  ^ 

"^But  they  who,  living  in  a  village,  practise  [a  life  of]  sacri- 
fices, works  of  public  utility,  and  alms,  they  go  to  the 
smoke,  from  smoke  to  night,  from  night  to  the  dark  half  of 
the  moon,  from  the  dark  half  of  the  moon  to  the  six  months 
when  the  sun  goes  to  the  south.  But  they  do  not  reach  the 
year.  From  the  months  they  go  to  the  world  of  the  fathers, 
from  the  world  of  the  fathers  to  the  ether,  from  the  ether  to 
the  moon.  That  is  Soma  the  King.  Here  they  are  loved 
by  the  Devas,  yes,  the  Devas  love  them.  Having  dwelt 
there  till  their  [good]  works  are  consumed,  they  return 
again  that  way  as  they  came."  - 

The  prospect  of  being  thus  condemned  to  go 
through  the  experiences  of  earthly  life  again  and 
again  was  calculated  to  arouse  the  deepest  concern; 
for  Brahmanic  speculations  had  led  to  a  very  pessi- 
mistic view  of  human  existence. 

"O  Saint,"  a  converted  king  cries  out,  "what  is  the 
use  of  the  enjoyment  of  pleasure  in  this  offensive,  pithless 

1  Miindaka  Upanishad,  i.  2.  —  S.  B.  E.  XV.  p.  32. 

2  Ckandogya  Upanishad,  v.  10.  —  S.  B.  E.  I.  p.  80.  Cf.  S.  B.  E. 
XV.  p.  176. 


54  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

body  —  a  mere  mass  of  bones,  skin,  sinews,  marrow,  flesh, 
seed,  blood,  mucus,  tears,  phlegm,  ordure,  water,  bile,  and 
slime  !  What  is  the  use  of  the  enjoyment  of  pleasures  in 
the  body  which  is  assailed  by  lust,  hatred,  greed,  delusion, 
fear,  anguish,  jealousy,  separation  from  what  is  loved,  union 
with  what  is  not  loved,  hunger,  thirst,  old  age,  death,  illness, 
grief,  and  other  evils.  .  .  . 

"  In  such  a  world  as  this,  what  is  the  use  of  enjoyment  of 
pleasures,  if  he  who  has  fed  on  them  is  sure  to  return  [to 
this  world]  again  and  again.  Deign  therefore  to  take  me 
out !  In  this  world  I  am  like  a  frog  in  a  dry  well.  O  Saint, 
thou  art  my  way,  thou  art  my  way."  ^ 

How,  then,  was  man  to  escape  from  the  fatal  neces- 
sity of  being  born  again  and  again  ?  What  was  the 
true  way  of  salvation  ?  The  Upanishads  gave  answer, 
the  perfection  of  existence  is  to  be  gained,  not  by 
the  storing  up  of  merits  through  prayers,  fasts,  sacri- 
fices, and  virtuous  deeds,  but  by  the  saving  knowledge 
of  man's  identity  with  Brahman.  As  soon  as  one 
could  say  from  conviction  "  I  am  Brahman,"  the 
bonds  were  broken  that  held  him  fast  to  individual 
existence  and  to  ever-recurring  births.  He  attained 
to  that  blessed  state  of  passiveness  and  inactivity,  of 
freedom  from  all  desires,  in  which  he  was  no  longer 
disposed  to  do  evil,  no  longer  anxious  to  lay  up 
merit  for  a  transitory  enjoyment  of  bliss  in  heaven. 
Mortifications  and  austerities  were  still  welcome  as  a 
help  to  freedom  from  desires,  to  tranquillity  of  life,  to 

^  Maitrayana-Brahmana  Upan.  i.  3-4.  —  .S".  B.  E.  XV.  pp.  28S-289. 
Cf.  Manu,  vi.  76,  77.  —  htstihites  of  Vishnu,  xcvi.  —  S.  B.  E.  VII.  p.  279. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  ^^ 

concentration  of  mind  on  Brahman.  Thus,  peaceful 
and  tranquil,  he  lived  on  till  death  put  an  end  to  the 
seeming  duality,  and  he  became  absorbed  in  Brahman, 
like  a  raindrop  in  the  mighty  ocean. 

"  Verily  in  the  beginning  this  was  Brahman,  that  Brahman 
knew  [its]  Self  only,  saying,  *  I  am  Brahman.'  From  it  all 
this  sprang.  Thus,  whatever  Deva  was  awakened  [so  as  to 
know  Brahman],  he  indeed  became  that  [Brahman]  ;  and 
the  same  with  rishis  and  men.  The  rishi  Varaadeva  saw 
and  understood  it,  singing,  '  I  was  Manu  [moon],  I  was  the 
sun.'  Therefore  now  also  he  who  thus  knows  that  he  is 
Brahman,  becomes  all  this,  and  even  the  Devas  cannot  pre- 
vent it,  for  he  himself  is  their  self"  ^ 

"  Their  deeds  and  their  self  with  all  his  knowledge  become 
all  one  in  the  highest  Imperishable.  As  the  flowing  rivers 
disappear  in  the  sea,  losing  their  name  and  their  form,  thus 
a  wise  man,  freed  from  name  and  form,  goes  to  the  Divine 
Person  who  is  greater  than  the  great.  He  who  knows  that 
highest  Brahman,  becomes  even  Brahman.  .  .  .  He  over- 
comes grief,  he  overcomes  evil,  free  from  the  fetters  of  the 
heart,  he  becomes  immortal."  "^ 

In  this  way  was  complete  emancipation  to  be  ob- 
tained. Nor  did  absorption  into  Brahman,  with  its 
attendant  loss  of  personality,  and  its  adoption  of  a 
quasi-unconscious  existence  for  all  future  time,  count 
as  a  disadvantage.  By  being  thus  identified  with 
Brahman,  the  soul  passed  from  its  unreal  to  its  real 
condition ;  it  became  raised  to  the  blessed  existence 

1  Brik.-Aran.  Upan.  \.  \.—S.  B.  E.  XV.  p.  88. 

2  Mund.  Upan.  iii.  2.  —  S.  B.  E.  XV.  p.  41. 


56  Antecedents  of  Buddhism 

of  divinity  itself,  and  thereby  attained  a  lot  beyond 
comparison  with  any  known  to  man  on  earth  or  in 
heaven. 

"  If  a  man  is  healthy,  wealthy,  and  lord  of  others,  sur- 
rounded by  all  human  enjoyments,  that  is  the  highest  bless- 
ing of  men.  Now  a  hundred  of  these  human  blessings  make 
one  blessing  of  the  fathers  who  have  conquered  the  world 
[of  fathers].  A  hundred  blessings  of  the  fathers  who  have 
conquered  this  world  make  one  blessing  in  the  Gandharva 
world.  A  hundred  blessings  in  the  Gandharva  world  make 
one  blessing  of  the  Devas  by  merit  [work,  sacrifice],  who 
obtain  their  godhead  by  merit.  A  hundred  blessings  of  the 
Devas  by  merit  make  one  blessing  of  the  Devas  by  birth,  also 
of  a  Srotriya  ^  who  is  without  sin  and  not  overcome  by  de- 
sire. A  hundred  blessings  of  the  Devas  by  birth  make  one 
blessing  in  the  world  of  Prajapati.  ...  A  hundred  bless- 
ings in  the  world  of  Prajapati  make  one  blessing  in  the  world 
of  Brahman.      And  this  is  the  highest  blessing."  ^ 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  teaching  of  the  pantheistic 
school  as  set  forth  in  the  Upanishads.  While  profes- 
sing to  be  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  ancient  Vedas, 
it  was  a  wide  departure  from  the  traditional  religion. 
The  happiness  of  heaven,  of  which  the  ancient  bards 
had  sung,  and  which  had  been  the  hope  and  inspira- 
tion of  so  many  generations,  it  robbed  of  all  sta- 
bility and  permanence,  and  set  up  instead,  as  the 
supreme  end  of  man,  the  questionable  bliss  of  losing 
one's  individuality  by  absorption  into  Brahman  and 

1  A  Brahman  thoroughly  versed  in  the  Vedas. 

2  Brih.-Aran.  Upan.  iv.  4.-6'.  B.  E.  XV.  pp.  171-172. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  ^j 

thus  sinking  into  his  eternal  sleep  of  unconscious 
repose. 

It  degraded  the  Vedic  gods,  and  Prajapati  the 
personal. deity  as  well,  to  a  condition  of  comparative 
insignificance,  by  declaring  them  to  be  but  transitory 
emanations  of  Brahman,  and  by  making  the  salvation 
of  each  individual  depend,  not  on  them,  but  on  his 
personal  effort.  For  the  same  reason  it  greatly  di- 
minished the  importance  of  the  Vedic  rites, — -the 
prayers,  the  sacrifices,  the  penances,  —  since  it  was 
not  in  virtue  of  these,  but  by  the  recognition  of  one's 
identity  with  Brahman  that  one  could  bring  to  a  happy 
issue  the  great  task  of  final  deliverance.  The  ideal 
man  was  no  longer  the  Brahman,  intent  on  the  per- 
formance of  the  multitudinous  Vedic  ceremonies  and 
on  the  recitation  of  the  Vedic  texts,  but  rather  the 
ascetic,  far  removed  from  the  active  walks  of  life,  ab- 
sorbed in  contemplation  and  the  practice  of  austerities. 

While  thus  bringing  the  Vedas  down  from  the  high 
place  of  honor  they  had  heretofore  enjoyed,  the  pan- 
theistic innovators  gave  them  a  nominal  veneration 
and  allegiance.  Though  the  higher  Upanishad  teach- 
ing could  alone  bring  salvation,  and  thus  rendered 
superfluous  the  lower  Vedic  teaching,  yet  the  latter 
was  recognized  to  be  better  suited  to  cruder  minds. 
It  was  not  to  be  contemned  because  it  did  not  lead  to 
the  highest  good.  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  insist 
on  the  necessity  of  learning  the  Vedas  and  perform- 
ing the  Vedic  rites  before  one  could  enjoy  the  privi- 


58 


Antecedents  of  Buddhism 


lege  of  acquiring  the  higher  knowledge  of  salvation. 
The  lower  knowledge  was  declared  to  be  an  indis- 
pensable preparation  for  the  higher.  But  the  step 
was  easy  to  the  more  radical  and  consistent  view 
that  Vedic  rites  had  no  claim  on  man's  attention  at 
all.  This  step  was  taken  by  the  heretical  schools, 
notably  by  Buddhism. 

REFERENCES 

The  following  works  are  recommended  for  the  study  of 
Brahmanism : 

I.   Texts. 

F.  Max  Muller,  Vedic  Hymns.  Sacred  Books  of  the  East, 
XXXII. 

H.  Oldenberg,  Vedic  Hymns.     S.  B.  E.  XLVI. 

J.  MuiR,  Original  Sanskrit  Texts  on  the  Origin  and  History  of 
the  People  of  India,  their  Religions  and  Institutions.  5  vols.  London, 
1868-70. 

M.  Bloomfield,  The  Atharva  Veda.     S.  B.  E.  XLII. 

J.  Eggeling,  The  Satapatha  Brahmana.  S.  B.  E.  XII.,  XXVI., 
XLI. 

M.  H.A.UG,  Aitareya  Brahmana,  Text,  Translation,  and  Notes. 
Bombay,  1863. 

F.  Max  Muller,  The  Upanishads.     S.  B.  E.  I.,  XV. 

H.  Oldenberg  and  F.  Max  MOller,  The  Grihya-Sutras,  Rules 
of  Vedic  Domestic  Ceremonies.     S.  B.  E.  XXIX.,  XXX. 

G.  BiJHLER,  The  Sacred  Laws  of  The  Aryas  as  Taught  in  the 
Schools  of  Apastamba,  Gautama,  Vasishtha,  and  Baudhayana. 
S.  B.  E.  II.,  XIV. 

G.  BuHLER,  The  Laws  of  Manu.     S.  B.  E.  XXV. 

J.  Jolly,  The  Institutes  of  Vishnu.     S.  B.  E.  VI L 

J.  Jolly,  The  Minor  Law-books.     S.  B   E.  XXXIII. 

G.  Thibaut,  The  Vedanta-Sutras.     S.  B.  E.  XXXIV.,  XXXVIII. 

II.   General  Treatises. 

A.  Barth,  The  Religions  of  India;  Translated  by  J.  Wood. 
London,    1S82. 


Pantheistic  Speculations  59 

A.  Bf.rgaigne,  La  religion  vedique  d'apres  les  hymnes  du  Rig- 
Veda.     4  vols.     Paris,  187S-97. 

H.  T.  CoLEBROOKE,  Miscellaneous  Essays,  Edited  by  E.  B.  Cowell. 
2  vols.     London,  1873. 

P.  Deussen',  Das  System  des  Vedanta.     Leipzig,  18S3. 

P.  Deussen,  Die  Philosophic  der  Upanishads.     Leipzig,  1899. 

A.  E.  GouGH,  The  Philosophy  of  the  Upanishads  and  Ancient 
Indian  Metaphysics.     London,  1882. 

E.  W.  IIorKiNS,  The  Religions  of  India.     Boston,  1895. 

A.  Kaegi,  The  Rig-Veda;  Translated  by  R.  Arrowsmith.  Boston, 
1 886. 

C.  Lassen,  Indische  Alterthumskunde.  4  bde.  Bonn-Leipzig, 
1847-1861. 

J.  M.  Mitchell,  Hinduism  Past  and  Present.     London,  1885. 

F.  Max  Muller,  A  History  of  Ancient  Sanskrit  Literature. 
London,  i860. 

F.  Max  MOller,  Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth  of  Religion 
as  Illustrated  by  the  Religions  of  India.  (Hibbert  Lectures.) 
London,  1878. 

H.  Oldenberg,  Die  Religion  des  Veda.     Berlin,  1894. 

Chantepie  de  la  Sauss.aye,  Lehrbuch  der  Religionsgeschichte. 
2  bde.     Freiburg,  1897.     Vol.  II. 

C.  P.  TiKLE,  Outlines  of  the  History  of  Religion  ;  Translated 
from  the  Dutch  by  J.  Estlin  Carpenter.     London,  1877. 

A.  Weber,  The  History  of  Indian  Literature;  Translated  by 
J.  Mann  and  T.  Zacharise.     London,  1892. 

Monier  Willl\ms,  Indian  Wisdom,  or  Examples  of  the  Ee- 
ligious,  Philosophical,  and  Ethical  Doctrines  of  the  Hindus. 
London,  1876. 

Monier  Williams,  Hinduism.     (S.  P.  C.  K.)     London,  1897. 

Monier  Williams,  Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  or  Religious 
Thought  and  Life  in  India.     London,  1891. 


PART    II 

Buddhism 


PART   II 

Buddhism 


CHAPTER   I 

THE   FOUNDER,   BUDDHA^ 

Brahman  pantheism  popular  with  the  caste  of  warriors  —  It  gives 
rise  to  rival  sects,  one  of  which  is  Buddhism — Of  Buddha  but 
little  known  for  certain — His  father  not  a  king  but  a  petty 
raja  —  His  birthplace  —  His  various  names  —  His  education  and 
marriage  —  His  abandonment  of  home  for  the  ascetic  life  —  His 
long  period  of  missionary  activity  —  The  Buddha-Legend —  Mir- 
aculous conception  and  birth  —  Asita  —  Life  in  the  palace  of 
pleasure  —  The  flight  from  home  —  Mortifications  —  The  Bodhi- 
tree  —  Mara's  temptations  —  Supreme  enlightenment  —  First 
preaching  at  Benares  —  Conversions — Devadatta  —  The  fatal 
meal  with  Chunda  —  The  painful  journey  to  Kusinara  —  Under 
the  Sala-trees  —  Subhadda  —  Buddha's  last  words—  Obsequies  — 
Division  of  relics  —  Estimate  of  Buddha's  character. 

THE  pantheistic  teaching  embodied  in  the 
Upanishads  and  reduced  to  a  systematic  form 
in  the  so-called  Vedanta  school  of  religious  philos- 
ophy was  a  radical  departure  from  popular  Brah- 
manism.  It  was  a  new  religion  under  the  thin 
disguise  of  orthodoxy.  While  professing  allegiance 
to  the  sacred  Vedas,  it  was  a  menace  to  the  tradi- 

1  The  references  throughout  this  volume  to  works  on    Buddhism 
apply  to  the  editions  indicated  in  the  bibliography. 


64  Buddhism 

tional  religion.  It  might  insist  on  the  traditional 
observance  of  the  Vedic  rites  as  a  necessary  prepa- 
ration for  the  reception  of  its  own  saving  truths. 
But  in  declaring  the  popular  religion  utterly  helpless 
to  secure  true  salvation,  it  prepared  the  way  for  more 
consistent  minds  to  reject  Brahmanism  completely. 

From  the  first  the  new  pantheistic  religion  seems 
to  have  found  a  welcome  in  the  caste  of  nobles  or 
warriors.  Doubtless  they  felt  the  burden  of  a  reli- 
gion which  put  so  many  restraints  on  their  freedom 
of  action,  whose  forms  of  worship  were  so  many  and 
so  complicated,  whose  liturgical  language  was  an 
archaic  tongue  that  few  could  fully  understand, 
whose  official  ministers  were  exalted  to  a  position  of 
importance  far  above  themselves.  They  would  nat- 
urally look  kindly  on  a  movement  which  offered  them 
an  escape  from  the  tyranny  of  the  popular  religion 
without  at  the  same  time  exposing  them  to  the 
charge  of  unorthodoxy.  And  so,  in  fact,  we  are  told 
in  the  Upanishads  of  kings  and  nobles  professing  the 
new  faith  and  taking  part  in  discussions  and  conver- 
sations concerning  it. 

But  pantheistic  Brahmanism  was  not  without  rival 
movements  in  the  claim  of  having  discovered  the  true 
way  of  salvation.  They  started  with  the  same  mor- 
bid view  that  conscious  life  is  a  burden  and  a  mis- 
fortune, not  worth  the  living,  so  that  true  happiness 
was  to  be  had  only  in  the  state  of  soul  like  dreamless 
sleep,  a   state   free  from  all   desires,  free   from   con- 


The  Founder,  Buddha  65 

scious  action.  They,  too,  took  for  granted  the 
Upanishad  doctrine  of  the  endless  chain  of  births. 
But  they  differed  from  pantheistic  Brahmanism  both 
in  their  attitude  towards  the  Vedas  and  the  Vedic 
rites,  and  in  the  manner  by  which  emancipation  from 
rebirths  and  from  conscious  existence  was  to  be 
obtained.  In  their  absolute  rejection  of  Vedic  rites, 
they  stamped  themselves  as  heresies.  Of  these  the 
one  destined  to  win  the  greatest  renown  was 
Buddhism. 

Of  Buddha,  the  founder  of  this  great  movement, 
very  little  is  positively  known.  The  portrayal  of  his 
life  which  tradition  has  handed  down  is  so  strongly 
colored  with  the  fanciful  and  marvellous  that  one  is 
tempted  to  doubt  whether  it  is  not  all  a  fiction.  One 
of  the  foremost  of  living  scholars  ^  of  Buddhism  has 
argued  with  no  little  persuasiveness  that  the  main 
features  of  the  legendary  account  of  Buddha's  career 
are  nothing  more  than  adaptations  of  sun  and  storm 
myths,  clustered  about  an  historical  character  of 
which  little  for  certain  can  be  known. 

Still  with  the  aid  of  the  ancient  Buddhist  monu- 
ments, scholars  have  marked  out  what  seems  to  be  a 
fairly  probable  sketch  of  his  career. 

The  family  from  which  Buddha  sprang,  was  of  the 
warrior-caste.  They  were  a  family  of  feudal  princes, 
known  as   the  Sakyas,  with    the    cognomen   of  Go- 

1  E.  Senart,  Essai  siir  la  legoide  du  Bouddha,  son  caractire  et  ses 
origines. 

S 


66  Buddhism 

tama.  His  father,  called  in  the  Buddhist  records 
Suddhodana,  was  a  petty  raja,  ruling  over  a  small 
stretch  of  country  along  the  southern  border  of  the 
district  now  known  as  Nepal. 

The  capital  of  this  little  kingdom  was  Kapilavastu, 
a  town  famous  in  Buddhist  annals,  but  fallen  centuries 
ago  in  ruins,  the  very  site  of  which  was  unknown  till 
of  late,  when  it  was  brought  to  light  by  the  patient 
researches  of  the  archaeologist  Dr.  A.  A.  Fuhrer.^ 
Eighteen  miles  southwest  of  this  site  is  the  traditional 
spot  Lumbini,  where,  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century  B.C.,  Buddha  was  born.'^ 

There  is  reason  for  suspecting  the  tradition  which 
asserts  that  his  parents  gave  him  the  name  Siddhattha,^ 
so  prophetic  of  his  future  greatness.  It  is  more 
likely  that  the  name  assigned  to  him  in  his  infancy 
was  Gotama,*  the  cognomen  of  his  father,  the  name 
by  which  he  is  very  commonly  designated.  Later  in 
life,  he  became  known  to  his  disciples  by  other 
names,    as    Sakya-muni    (the     Sakya-sage),    Sakya- 

1  Cf.  A.  A.  Fiihrer,  Monograph  on  Saky.iinioii^s  Birthplace  in  the 
Nepalcse  Tarai,  ch.  viii. 

2  Here  Dr.  Fiihrer  unearthed  a  pillar  of  stone  containing  this  in- 
scription of  Asoka  (250  B.C.)  "King  Piyadasi,  beloved  of  the  gods, 
having  been  anointed  twenty  years,  came  himself  and  worshipped, 
saying,  '  Here  Buddha  Sakyamuni  was  born.'  And  he  caused  to  be 
made  a  stone  representing  a  horse,  and  he  caused  this  stone  pillar  to 
be  erected.  Because  here  the  worshipped  one  was  born,  the  village 
of  Lummini  has  been  made  free  of  taxes  and  a  recipient  of  wealth." 
Op.  cit.  p.  27. 

3  He  that  succeeds  in  his  aim. 
*  Sanskrit,  Gautama. 


The  Founder,  Buddha  67 

sinha  (the  Sakya-Hon),  Bhagavat  (the  Blessed  One), 
Sugata  (the  Welcome  One),  Jina  (the  Conqueror), 
Tathagata  (the  Perfect  One),  but  most  common  of 
all,  Buddha  (the  Enlightened). 

A  raja's  son,  he  must  have  received  the  education 
deemed  indispensable  to  the  youths  of  his  caste,  and 
was  very  likely  sent  to  some  learned  Brahman  to 
spend  a  number  of  years  in  the  study  of  the  Vedas. 

Following  the  immemorial  customs  of  the  East, 
he  married  at  an  early  age,  and  if  we  may  trust  tra- 
dition, exercised  a  prince's  privilege  of  maintaining  a 
harem.  His  principal  wife  bore  him  a  son.  But  his 
heart  was  not  at  rest.  The  pleasures  of  the  world 
soon  palled  upon  him.  He  became  convinced  of  the 
vanity  of  life,  and  resolved  to  renounce  his  home  and 
high  station.  He  put  on  the  hermit's  garb  and  re- 
tired to  the  forest,  devoting  himself  to  penance  and 
meditation,  studying  doubtless  the  way  of  salvation 
as  taught  in  the  Upanishads.  But  even  this  did  not 
satisfy  his  soul.  After  several  years  of  austere  life  as 
an  ascetic,  he  became  convinced  that  perfect  peace 
could  not  be  obtained  by  rigorous  fasts  and  mortifi- 
cations. He  gave  himself  to  long  and  serious 
thought,  the  fruit  of  which  was  the  persuasion  that 
he  had  discovered  the  only  true  way  of  escaping  from 
the  misery  of  rebirths  and  of  attaining  to  Nirvana. 

He  then  set  out  to  preach  his  gospel  of  deliverance, 
beginning  at  Benares.  His  attractive  personality  and 
his  earnest,  impressive  eloquence  soon  won  over  to 


68  Buddhism 

his  cause  a  number  of  the  warrior-caste.  Brahmans 
too,  felt  the  persuasiveness  of  his  words,  and  gave 
adherence  to  his  doctrine.  It  was  not  long  before 
he  had  a  band  of  enthusiastic  disciples  gathered 
about  him,  in  whose  company  he  went  from  place  to 
place,  making  converts  by  his  preaching.  Those  of 
his  disciples  who  were  sufficiently  versed  in  the  new 
doctrine  were  also  sent  through  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  land,  carrying  the  good  news  of  salva- 
tion to  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor,  and  inviting 
members  of  all  castes  to  put  on  the  yellow  robes  of 
the  followers  of  Buddha  and  seek  the  rest  of  Nirvana. 
The  converts  soon  became  numerous,  and  were  formed 
into  a  great  brotherhood  of  monks.  Such  was  the 
work  to  which  Buddha  gave  himself  with  unsparing 
zeal  for  over  forty  years.  At  length,  worn  out  by 
his  long  life  of  activity,  he  fell  sick  after  a  meal  of 
dried  boar's  flesh,  and  died  in  the  eightieth  year 
of  his  age.  The  approximate  date  of  his  death  is 
480  B.C. 

The  tendency  to  myth-making  is  natural  to  man. 
In  the  present  age  of  positive,  critical  science,  it  is 
kept  fairly  in  check.  But  in  the  uncritical  and  over- 
credulous  ages  of  the  past,  it  had  almost  an  unlimited 
range  of  play.  Heroes  and  saints  were  hardly  re- 
moved from  the  walks  of  life  when  the  luxuriant 
growths  of  legend  intertwined  themselves  with  the 
sober  records  of  their  lives,  often  to  such  a  degree  as 


The  Founder,  Buddha  69 

to  overshadow  and  render  insignificant  \yhat  belonged 
to  the  domain  of  historic  truth.  The  apocryphal  gos- 
pels and  some  mediaeval  lives  of  saints  arc  illustra- 
tions of  this.^  So  likewise  the  records  which  have 
come  down  to  us  of  the  founder  of  Buddhism. 

The  meagre  facts  of  Buddha's  life  have  been  embel- 
lished with  an  abundance  of  fanciful  and  wonderful 
events,  some  of  which  bear  a  curious  though  imper- 
fect resemblance  to  certain  features  of  the  life  of  our 
blessed  Lord. 

Legend  tells  how  the  future  Buddha  raised  himself 
by  a  vast  series  of  virtuous  lives  to  the  dignity  of  a 
heavenly  spirit,  and  how,  realizing  the  future  great- 
ness that  was  in  store  for  him,  he  chose  the  time  and 
place  for  his  birth  as  the  redeemer  of  suffering  hu- 
manity. He  chose  for  his  mother  the  virtuous  Maya ; 
for  she  alone  answered  to  the  conditions  requisite  for 
giving  birth  to  a  Buddha,  namely,  to  be  of  high  fam- 
ily, never  to  have  tasted  strong  drink,  and  to  have 
been  distinguished  for  chaste  and  virtuous  conduct 
durine  one  hundred  thousand  worlds. 

In  her  he  was  miraculously  conceived  while  she  lay 
asleep,  and  dreamed  that  he  had  passed  through  her 
right  side  in  the  guise  of  a  small  white  elephant.  At 
that  moment  a  light  of  surprising  brightness  illumi- 
nated ten  thousand  worlds.     Prodigies  took  place  on 

1  In  the  admirable  studies  of  the  Bollandists  (Ac^a  Sanctonmi) 
this  legendary  element  of  Catholic  hagiography  is  noted  with  the 
greatest  care. 


70  Buddhism 

earth.  The  blind  saw,  the  deaf  heard,  the  dumb 
spoke,  the  lame  walked.  Sufiferings  of  all  kinds 
ceased.  The  birds  cut  short  their  flight.  The  rivx-rs 
ceased  to  flow.  Flowers  of  all  kinds  burst  into  richest 
bloom.  The  air  was  filled  with  sweetest  odors  and 
stirred  by  gentle,  refreshing  zephyrs.  It  bore  to  the 
ears  of  astonished  peoples  the  music  of  heavenly 
spirits.^ 

Wonderful  as  was  his  conception,  wonderful,  too, 
was  his  birth.  His  mother,  obtaining  permission  to 
visit  the  royal  garden  at  Lumbini,  repaired  thither  in 
a  splendid  chariot,  escorted  by  thousands  of  gods, 
warriors,  and  waiting  women.  As  she  entered  the 
garden  the  shrubs  and  trees  burst  into  bloom.  She 
directed  her  steps  to  a  Sala-tree,  the  boughs  of  which 
bent  down  over  her.  While  she  stood  admiring  its 
blossoms,  the  child  was  born.  Emerging  miraculously 
from  her  right  side,  he  took  seven  steps  towards  the 
north,  and  exclaimed,  "  This  is  my  last  birth.  I  am 
the  greatest  of  beings." 

The  prodigies  that  had  marked  the  time  of  his  con- 
ception were  now  once  more  displayed.  With  min- 
gled songs  of  joy  from  gods  and  men,  the  child  and 
mother  were  conveyed  to  the  royal  palace.  Seven 
days  later  the  mother  died,  and  was  reborn  in  the 
Tusita  heaven,  being  rendered  too  sacred  by  Buddha's 
birth  to  bear  other  children. 

1  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist  Birth  Stories,  p.  64.  Bish.  Bigandet, 
Legend  of  Gaiidama,  pp.  26  ff. 


The  Founder,  Buddha  71 

In  the  Himalaya  region  lived  a  venerable  rishi  or 
ascetic,  Asita  by  name.  On  the  day  of  Gotama's 
birth,  having  mounted,  as  was  his  wont,  to  the  upper 
heavens  to  refresh  himself  after  his  morning  meal,  he 
came  upon  the  gods  waving  their  robes  and  shouting 
with  joy,  and  was  told  that  to  King  Suddhodana  was 
born  a  son  who  would  one  day  become  a  Buddha. 
At  once  he  directed  his  course  towards  the  kingdom 
Suddhodana,  and  by  his  power  of  rapid  flight  soon 
reached  the  city  of  Kapilavastu.  He  asked  to  see 
the  wonderful  babe,  and,  having  discerned  on  his  tiny 
form  the  thirty-two  marks  of  a  supreme  Buddha,^  he 
told  of  the  glorious  career  to  which  the  child  was 
destined,  weeping,  however,  because  he  would  not 
live  himself  to  see  the  day. 

Passing  over  the  wonderful  incidents  of  his  child- 
hood and  early  youth,  —  his  marvellous  trance  under 
the  Jambu-tree,  his  wonderful  progress  in  the  arts, 
whereby  in  a  few  lessons  he  surpassed  his  teachers, 
his  easy  victory  over  his  youthful  competitors  in  the 
athletic  contest,  —  we  come  to  the  critical  period  in 
his  life,  when,  in  the  society  of  his  wife  Yasodhara  and 
innumerable  singing  girls,  he  devoted  himself  wholly 
to  a  life  of  pleasure  in  the  splendid  palace  his  father 
had  prepared  for  him.  Anxious  to  have  his  son  be- 
come a  universal  monarch,  the  king  had  taken  the 
greatest   care   to  keep  from  the  eyes   of  the   prince 

1  P'or  the  thirty-two  marks  of  the  Buddha,  see  H.  .\Iabaster,  The 
Wheel  of  the  Law,  pp.  110-115,  also  312-313. 


72  Buddhism 

every    spectacle    of  human  misery.      But   the    gods 
foiled  his  plans.     One  day,  as  Gotama  took  a  drive 
beyond  the  precincts  of  his  palace,  they  brought  be- 
fore his  sight  the  four  objects  which  were  destined  to 
turn  him  to  the  homeless  state,  —  namely,  a  man  en- 
feebled  with    old   age,   one   wasted   with  sickness,   a 
corpse,  and  a  monk.     By  these  sights  the  vanity  and 
impermanence  of  things  were  brought  home  to  him, 
and    he   returned   to   his  palace  with  the   resolve  to 
abandon  all  he  had  thus  far  held  dear,  and  to  become 
an  ascetic.     In  vain  that  night  did  his  many  singing 
girls  try  with  seductive  wiles  to  win  him  back  to  his 
customary  life  of  pleasure.     At  length,  overcome  by 
weariness,  they  fell  asleep,  sprawled  about  in  hideous 
and    revolting   attitudes.     This    sight    filled    Gotama 
with  renewed  disgust  for  the  world.     He  felt  that  the 
time  for  his  act  of  renunciation  was  come.     At  mid- 
night,  with  the  aid    of  his   trusty   attendant,  he   got 
ready  his  favorite  horse,  and  without  a  word  of  fare- 
well, even  to  his  wife  and  son,  galloped  off  in   the 
darkness.     Invisible  hands  opened   the  gates  of  the 
palace  of  the  city.     At  this  juncture,  Mara,  the  Lord 
of  Death  and  Pleasure,  appeared,  and   tried   to   dis- 
suade him  from  his  purpose.     "  Depart  not,  O  lord," 
he  cried  out,  "  in  seven  days  from  now  the  wheel  of 
empire  will  appear,  and  will  make  you  sovereign  over 
the  four  continents   and   the  two  thousand  adjacent 
isles.     Stop,   my  lord  !  "      Gotama  heeded    not   the 
tempter,  but  sped  on  through  the  darkness  of  the 


The  Founder,  Buddha  73 

night,  and  did  not  stop  till   break  of  day,  when  he 
found  himself  at  the  farther  shore  of  a  distant  river. 

Here  he  cut  ofif  his  hair  with  his  sword,  and,  ex- 
changing his  princely  robes  for  the  garments  of  a 
hunter,  he  sent  back  his  attendant  and  steed,  and  be- 
gan to  practise  the  life  of  an  ascetic. 

Many  were  the  Brahman  sages  he  consulted  in  the 
hope  of  finding  the  peace  his  heart  yearned  for,  but 
in  vain.  After  six  years  of  ever-increasing  austerities, 
which  reduced  him  to  mere  skin  and  bones,  and  all 
but  caused  his  death,  he  became  convinced  that  the 
goal  he  sought  was  not  to  be  attained  by  these  exces- 
sive mortifications.  He  began  to  take  food.  His 
five  companions  in  asceticism  now  abandoned  him  as 
having  lapsed  from  the  life  of  perfection. 

The  great  day  of  his  enlightenment  was  now  at 
hand.  Having  bathed  in  the  river  Nairanjana  and 
partaken  of  the  rice  and  cream,  especially  prepared 
for  him  by  a  shepherd's  daughter,  he  proceeded  to 
the  Bodhi-tree  (the  tree  of  knowledge),  and  sitting 
cross-legged  beneath  it,  with  his  face  to  the  east,  he 
made  the  vow  not  to  rise  until  he  had  attained  com- 
plete enlightenment. 

In  this  purpose  of  Gotama,  Mara,  Lord  of  Death 
and  Pleasure,  saw  that  his'  own  power  was  being  put 
in  jeopardy.  He  recognized  the  necessity  either  of 
enticing  or  of  driving  him  from  the  Bodhi-tree. 
First,  he  tried  the  method  of  artful  persuasion.  At' 
his  bidding,  his  three  daughters  sought  to  turn  the 


74  Buddhism 

heart  of  Gotama  to  the  pursuit  of  sensual  pleasures. 
Their  efforts  proved  in  vain. 

Then  Mara  exerted  all  his  power  to  drive  him  from 
the  Bodhi-tree.  He  sent  against  him  a  frightful 
tempest  and  a  shower  of  burning  rocks  and  cinders. 
The  very  gods  fled  in  dismay,  but  Gotama  sat  impas- 
sive. As  the  falHng  rocks  seemed  about  to  crush 
him,  they  were  turned  into  a  shower  of  blossoms. 
Hot  with  rage  at  being  thus  balked,  the  tempter 
assumed  a  form  of  hideous  appearance,  with  a  thou- 
sand hands  holding  every  conceivable  kind  of  weapon, 
and  having  mounted  his  war-elephant  one  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  high,  came  rushing  like  a  flood  with 
his  host  of  frightful  monsters  against  the  saint  ab- 
sorbed in  meditation.  Calm  and  undisturbed  he  sat, 
while  the  terrible  missies  hurled  at  him  were  changed 
into  garlands  of  flowers.  This  signal  failure  caused 
Mara  to  despair.  He  withdrew  for  good  with  his 
army.  Meanwhile  the  scattered  gods  took  courage, 
and  returning  to  the  Bodhi-tree,  chanted  the  victor's 
praises. 

That  very  night  supreme  enlightenment  was  at- 
tained, and  as  he  seized  the  prize  for  which  he  had 
toiled  so  long  and  patiently,  he  burst  into  the  song 
of  joy  sung  by  every  Buddha. 

"  Long  have  I  wandered,  long  ! 

Bound  by  the  chain  of  life, 
Thro'  many  births  ; 

Seeking  thus  long  in  vain 
Whence  comes  this  life  in  man,  his  consciousness,  his  pain  !    . 


The  Founder,  Buddha  -j ^ 

"  And  hard  to  bear  is  birth, 

When  pain  and  death  but  lead  to  birth  again. 

Found  !     It  is  found  ! 
O  Cause  of  Individuality  ! 

No  longer  shalt  thou  make  a  house  for  me 

"  Broken  are  all  thy  beams, 
Thy  ridgepole  shattered  ! 
Into  Nirvana  now  my  mind  has  past. 

The  end  of  cravinirs  has  been  reached  at  last !  "  ^ 


'O" 


Seven  weeks  he  spent  near  the  Bodhi-tree,  enjoy- 
ing the  bliss  of  emancipation.  Then,  having  partaken 
of  food  offered  him  by  two  merchants,  he  repaired  to 
Benares,  where  he  set  in  motion  the  wheel  of  the  law. 
His  first  converts  were  the  five  ascetics,  his  former 
companions,  who  had  deserted  him  when  he  gave  up 
the  practice  of  fasting. 

Among  the  disciples  who  soon  rallied  in  great 
numbers  around  him  was  his  cousin,  Devadatta.  Like 
Judas,  this  disciple  sought  to  thwart  the  plans  of  his 
master.  Several  times  he  plotted  to  destroy  him. 
At  one  time  he  hired  thirty  bowmen  to  slay  him ;  but 
as  they  drew  near,  awed  by  the  majesty  of  his 
presence,  they  fell  at  his  feet  craving  forgiveness, 
and,  after  listening  to  his  words  of  wisdom,  were 
converted.  On  another  occasion,  he  rolled  a  huge 
stone  down  a  steep  slope  below  which  Buddha  was 
walking.  It  split  into  fragments  on  the  way,  and 
only  a  piece  struck  the  master,  wounding  his  foot. 
It  was  dressed  by  a  physician,  and  found  completely 

1  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist  Birth  Stories,  p.  103. 


^6  Buddhism 

well  the  next  morning.  Another  time  an  infuriated 
elephant  was  turned  upon  him  in  a  narrow  street. 
As  it  seemed  about  to  crush  him  in  its  wild  onset, 
it  checked  its  course  and  bent  in  submission  before 
him.  Finally,  the  evil-minded  disciple  sought  to  slay 
Buddha  with  his  own  hand.  But  as  he  approached 
to  carry  out  his  purpose,  the  earth  beneath  him 
opened  and  he  was  cast  headlong  into  hell.  His 
punishment  consists  in  having  his  feet  sunk  ankle- 
deep  into  the  burning  ground.  A  red-hot  pan  caps 
his  head  to  the  ears.  His  body  is  transfixed  with 
five  red-hot  iron  bars.  This  torment  he  will  have  to 
endure  for  a  whole  revolution  of  nature. 

The  story  of  Buddha's  last  days  as  told  in  the 
Mahaparinibbana  Sutta,  or  Book  of  the  Great  Decease, 
belongs  to  a  much  earlier  tradition,  and  while  not 
without  exaggerations,  is  marked  by  much  pathos  and 
beauty. 

As  he  sees  that  his  life-work  has  been  accomplished, 
he  warns  his  disciples  of  his  approaching  end. 

"  Behold,  now,  O  brethren,  I  exhort  you,  saying :  '  All 
component  things  must  grow  old.  Work  out  your  salvation 
with  diligence.  The  final  extinction  of  the  Tathagata^ 
will  take  place  before  long.  At  the  end  of  three  months 
from  this  time  the  Tathagata  will  die  !  '"  ^ 

The  occasion  of  his  fatal  illness  is  the  meal  pre- 
pared for  him  and  his  disciples  by  Chunda  the 
smith. 

1  One  of  Buddha's  appellations.  "^  S.  B.  E.  XI.  t^.  6i 


The  Founder,  Buddha  'jj 

"  Now  at  the  end  of  the  night,  Chunda,  the  worker  in 
metals,  made  ready  in  his  dwelHng-place  sweet  rice  and 
cakes  and  a  quantity  of  dried  boar's  flesh.  And  he 
announced  the  hour  to  the  Blessed  One,  saying,  '  The  hour. 
Lord,  has  come,  and  the  meal  is  ready.' 

"  And  the  Blessed  One  robed  himself  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, and,  taking  his  bowl,  went  with  the  brethren  to  the  dwel- 
ling-place of  Chunda,  the  worker  in  metals.  When  he  had 
come  thither,  he  seated  himself  in  the  seat  prepared  for  him. 
And  when  he  was  seated,  he  addressed  Chunda,  the  worker 
in  metals,  and,  '  As  to  the  dried  boar's  flesh  you  have  made 
ready,  serve  me  with  it,  Chunda,  and  as  to  the  other  food, 
the  sweet  rice  and  cakes,  serve  the  brethren  with  it.' " 

Having  eaten  the  meal  set  before  him,  Buddha 
addresses  his  host  with  words  striking  for  their  uncon- 
scious humor. 

"  '  Whatever  dried  boar's  flesh,  Chunda,  is  left  over  to  thee, 
that  bury  in  a  hole.  I  see  no  one,  Chunda,  on  earth  nor  in 
Mara's  heaven,  nor  in  Brahma's  heaven,  no  one  among 
Samanas  and  Brahmanas,  among  gods  and  men,  by  whom 
when  he  has  eaten  it,  that  food  can  be  assimilated,  save  by 
the  Tathagata.'  '  Even  so,  Lord  !  '  said  Chunda,  the  worker 
in  metals,  in  assent,  to  the  Blessed  One.  And  whatever 
dried  boar's  flesh  remained  over,  that  he  buried  in  a  hole. 

"  And  he  went  to  the  place  where  the  Blessed  One  was  ; 
and  when  he  had  come  there  took  his  seat  respectfully  on 
one  side.  And  when  he  was  seated,  the  Blessed  One 
instructed  and  aroused  and  incited  and  gladdened  Chunda, 
the  worker  in  metals,  with  religious  discourse.  And  the 
Blessed  One  then  rose  from  his  seat  and  departed 
thence."  ^ 

1  .S".  B.  E.  XI.  pp.  71-72. 


yS  Buddhism 

In  consequence  of  this  meal,  Buddha  is  seized  with 
illness  accompanied  with  intense  pain,  but  mindful 
and  self-possessed,  he  bears  it  without  complaint,  and 
sets  out  for  Kusinara. 

"  Now  the  Blessed  One  went  aside  from  the  path  to  the 
foot  of  a  certain  tree  ;  and  when  he  had  come  there,  he 
addressed  the  venerable  Ananda,  and  said  :  '  Fold,  I  pray 
you,  Ananda,  the  robe,  and  spread  it  out  for  me.  I  am 
weary,  Ananda,  and  must  rest  awliile  ! ' 

"  '  Even  so,  Lord  ! '  said  the  venerable  Ananda,  in  assent 
to  the  Blessed  One,  and  spread  out  the  robe  folded 
fourfold. 

"  And  the  Blessed  One  seated  himself  on  the  seat  prepared 
for  him  ;  and  when  he  was  seated,  he  addressed  the  vener- 
able Ananda,  and  said  :  '  Fetch  me,  I  pray  you,  Ananda, 
some  water.     I  am  thirsty,  Ananda,  and  would  drink.' " 

Ananda  asks  him  to  wait  until  they  come  to  another 
stream  but  a  short  distance  away,  for  several  hundred 
carts  have  just  passed  over  the  stream  at  hand  and 
have  made  the  water  muddy.  But  Buddha  repeats 
his  request,  so  that  Ananda,  taking  a  bowl,  goes  down 
to  the  stream,  when,  lo  !  the  water,  but  a  moment  ago 
so  foul  and  muddy,  is  found  to  be  perfectly  clear. 

The  pangs  of  illness  do  not  dull  his  delicate 
consideration  for  the  unsuspecting  author  of  his 
trouble. 

"  And  the  Blessed  One  addressed  the  venerable  Ananda, 
and  said  ;  '  Now  it  may  happen,  x\nanda,  that  some  one  should 
stir  up  remorse  in  Chunda  the  smith,  saying :  *  This  is  evil  to 


The  Founder,  Buddha  79 

thee,  Chunda,  and  loss  to  tliee  in  that  when  the  Tathagata  had 
eaten  his  last  meal  from  thy  provision,   then  he  died." 

He  bids  Ananda  comfort  Chunda  by  the  thought 
that  there  is  no  greater  merit  than  that  which  is 
acquired  in  offering  food  to  a  Buddha,  either  just 
before  his  enlightenment  or  just  before  his  death/ 

Ananda,  seeing  that  the  end  is  drawing  nigh, 
clothes  his  master  in  robes  of  burnished  gold  ;  but 
their  splendor  is  paled  by  the  exceeding  brightness 
of  his  body.     Ananda  expresses  his  astonishment : 

"  *  How  wonderful  a  thing  it  is,  Lord,  and  how  marvellous, 
that  the  color  of  the  skin  of  the  Blessed  One  should  be  so 
clear,  so  exceeding  bright !  For  when  I  placed  even  this 
pair  of  robes  of  burnished  cloth  of  gold,  and  ready  for  wear 
on  the  body  of  the  Blessed  One,  lo  !  it  seemed  as  if  it  had 
lost  its  splendor.' 

"  '  It  is  even  so,  Ananda.  Ananda,  there  are  two  occasions 
on  which  the  color  of  the  skin  of  a  Tathagata  becomes  clear 
and  exceeding  bright.     What  are  the  two  ? 

"  '  On  the  night,  Ananda,  on  which  a  Tathagata  attains  to 
the  supreme  and  perfect  insight,  and  on  the  night  when  he 
passes  finally  away,  in  that  utter  passing  away  which  leaves 
nothing  whatever  to  remain,  on  these  two  occasions  the  skin 
of  a  Tathagata  becomes  clear  and  exceeding  bright.'  "  ^ 

Having  come  with  a  large  number  of  brethren  to 
the  Sala-grove  near  Kusinara,  he  addresses  his  favorite 
disciple :  — 

1  ^.  B.  E.  XI.  p.  S3.  2  /^/^.  p.  81. 


8o  Buddhism 

"  '  Spread  over  for  me,  I  pray  you,  Ananda,  the  couch 
with  its  head  to  the  north,  between  the  twin  Sala-trees.  I  am 
weary,  Ananda,   and  would  He  down.' 

" '  Even  so,  Lord  ! '  said  the  venerable  Ananda,  in  assent  to 
the  Blessed  One.  And  he  spread  a  covering  on  the  couch 
with  its  head  to  the  north,  between  the  twin  Sala-trees.  And 
the  Blessed  One  laid  himself  down  on  his  right  side,  with 
one  leg  resting  on  the  other ;  and  he  was  mindful  and 
self-possessed. 

"  Now  at  that  time  the  twin  Sala-trees  were  all  one  mass 
of  bloom  with  flowers  out  of  season  ;  and  all  over  the  body 
of  the  Tathagata  these  dropped  and  sprinkled  and  scattered 
•themselves,  out  of  reverence  for  the  successor  of  the 
Buddhas  of  old.  And  heavenly  Mandarava  flowers  too  and 
heavenly  sandal-wood  powder  came  falling  from  the  sky, 
and  all  over  the  body  of  the  Tathagata  they  descended  and 
sprinkled  and  scattered  themselves,  out  of  reverence  for  the 
successor  of  the  Buddhas  of  old.  And  heavenly  music  was 
sounded  in  the  sky,  out  of  reverence  for  the  successor  of  the 
Buddhas  of  old.  And  heavenly  songs  came  wafted  from  the 
sky,  out  of  reverence  for  the  successor  of  the  Buddhas  of 
old." 

Buddha  explains  the  meaning  of  these  prodigies, 
and  says : — 

"  '  Now  it  is  not  thus,  Ananda,  that  the  Tathagata  is  rightly 
honored,  reverenced,  venerated,  held  sacred,  or  revered. 
But  the  brother  or  the  sister,  the  devout  man  or  the  devout 
woman,  who  continually  fulfils  all  the  greater  and  the  lesser 
duties,  who  is  correct  in  life,  walking  according  to  the  pre- 
cepts, —  it  is  he  who  rightly  honors,  reverences,  venerates, 
holds  sacred,  and  reveres  the  Tathagata  with  the  worthiest 
homage.     Therefore,   Ananda,  be   ye  constant  in  the  fulfil- 


The  Founder,  Buddha  8i 

ment  of.  the  greater  and  the  lesser  duties,  and  be  ye  coirect 
in  life,  walking  according  to  the  precepts ;  and  thus,  Ananda, 
should  it  be  taught.'  "  ^ 

"  Now  the  venerable  Ananda  went  into  the  vihara,  and 
stood  leaning  against  the  lintel  of  the  door,  and  weeping  at 
the  thought,  Alas  !  I  remain  still  but  a  learner,  one  who 
has  to  work  out  his  own  perfection.  And  the  Master  is 
about  to  pass  away  from  me,  he  who  is  so  kind  !  " 

Buddha  calls  Ananda  and  consoles  him. 

"  '  Enough,  Ananda.  Do  not  let  yourself  be  troubled  ;  do 
not  weep  !  Have  I  not  already,  on  former  occasions,  told 
you  that  it  is  in  the  very  nature  of  all  things  most  near  and 
dear  to  us  that  we  must  divide  ourselves  from  them  ?  .  .  . 
For  a  long  time,  Ananda,  you  liave  been  very  near  to  me 
by  acts  of  love,  kind  and  good,  that  never  varies  and  is 
beyond  all  measure.  ...  Be  earnest  in  effort,  and  you  too 
shall  soon  be  free  from  the  great  evils  —  from  sensuality, 
from  individuality,  from  delusion,  and  from  ignorance.'  "  - 

The  chief  representatives  of  Kusinara  are  allowed 
to  pay  their  respects  to  the  dying  Buddha.  A  men- 
dicant, Subhadda,  not  of  Buddha's  order,  asks  three 
times  of  Ananda  permission  to  consult  his  master, 
but  each  time  receives  the  same  answer  of  refusal : 
"  Enough,  friend  Subhadda,  trouble  not  the  Tatha- 
gata.     The  Blessed  One  is  weary." 

"  Now  the  Blessed  One  overheard  the  conversation  of  the 
venerable  Ananda  with  the  mendicant  Subhadda.  And  the 
Blessed  One  called  the  venerable  Ananda,  and  said  :  '  It  is 
enough,  Ananda.     Do  not  keep  out  Subhadda.     Subhadda, 

1  S.  B.  E.  XI.  pp.  86-87.  2  jbid.  pp.  95-97. 


82  Buddhism 

Ananda,  may  be  allowed  to  see  the  Tathagata.  Whatever 
Subhadda  may  ask  of  me,  he  will  ask  from  a  desire  of  knowl- 
edge, and  not  to  annoy  me.  And  whatever  I  may  say  in 
answer  to  his  questions,  that  he  will  quickly  understand.'  " 

Subhadda  is  admitted.  His  mind  is  enlightened 
and  his  doubts  solved  by  the  admonition  of  Buddha. 
He  exclaims :  — 

"  '  Most  excellent.  Lord,  are  the  words  of  thy  mouth,  most 
excellent !  Just  as  if  a  man  were  to  set  up  that  which  is 
thrown  down,  or  were  to  reveal  that  which  is  hidden  away, 
or  were  to  point  out  the  right  road  to  him  who  has  gone 
astray,  or  were  to  bring  a  lamp  into  the  darkness,  so  that 
those  who  have  eyes  can  see  external  forms  :  — just  even  so, 
Lord,  has  the  truth  been  made  known  to  me,  in  many  a 
figure,  by  the  Blessed  One.  And  I,  even  I,  betake  myself. 
Lord,  to  the  Blessed  One  as  my  refuge,  to  the  truth  and  to 
the  order.  May  the  Blessed  One  accept  me  as  a  disciple, 
as  a  true  believer,  from  this  day  forth,  as  long  as  life 
endures  ! '  "  i 

"  Then  the  Blessed  One  addressed  the  brethren,  and  said  : 
*  Behold,  now,  brethren,  I  exhort  you,  saying,  Decay  is  in- 
herent in  all  component  things.  Work  out  your  salvation 
with  diligence  !  ' 

"  This  was  the  last  word  of  the  Tathagata. 

"  When  the  Blessed  One  died,  there  arose,  at  the  moment 
of  his  passing  out  of  existence,  a  mighty  earthquake,  terrible 
and  awe-inspiring  ;  and  the  thunders  of  heaven  burst  forth."  ^ 

"  When  the  Blessed  One  died,  of  those  of  the  brethren 
who  were  not  yet  free  from  the  passions,  some  stretched 
out  their  arms  and  wept,  and   some  fell  headlong  on  the 

1  .5".  B.  E.  XI.  pp.  103  ff.  2  /3;v/.  p.  116. 


The  Founder,  Buddha  83 

ground,  rolling  to  and  fro  in  anguish  at  the  thought :  '  Too 
soon  has  the  Blessed  One  died  !  Too  soon  has  the  Happy 
One  passed  from  existence  !  Too  soon  has  the  light  gone 
out  in  the  world  ! '  " 

"  But  those  of  the  brethren  who  were  free  from  the  pas- 
sions [the  Arahats]  bore  their  grief  collected  and  composed 
at  the  thought :  '  Impermanent  are  all  component  things. 
How  is  it  impossible  that  they  should  not  be  dissolved?'  "  ^ 

The  body  of  Buddha  is  properly  prepared  and 
laid  on  the  funeral  pile  for  the  burning.  But,  in 
spite  of  all  efforts,  the  kindling-wood  refuses  to  take 
fire.  Meanwhile  the  venerable  brother  Maha  Kas- 
sapa  arrives  with  five  hundred  brethren. 

"  Then  the  venerable  Maha  Kassapa  went  to  the  place 
where  the  funeral  pile  of  the  Blessed  One  was.  And  when 
he  had  come  up  to  it,  he  arranged  his  robe  on  one  shoulder ; 
and  bowing  down  with  clasped  hands,  he  thrice  walked 
reverently  around  the  pile  ;  and  then,  uncovering  the  feet, 
he  bowed  down  in  reverence  at  the  feet  of  the  Blessed  One." 

The  five  hundred  brethren  do  the  same. 

"  And  when  the  homage  of  the  venerable  Maha  Kassapa 
and  of  those  five  hundred  brethren  was  ended,  the  funeral 
pile  of  the  Blessed  One  caught  fire  of  itself"  ^ 

The  bone  relics  are  divided  into  eight  portions, 
and  taken  to  as  many  different  cities,  where  mounds 
(stupas)  are  built  to  preserve  them  as  objects  of 
worship. 

^  s.B.£  XI.  p.  117.  2  /^;v/.  p.  129. 


84  Buddhism 

If  we  eliminate  the  miraculous  from  the  records  of 
Buddha's  career,    how    much   of  the  residue  can  we 
accept  as  reliable  information?     The  answer  to  this 
question  is  not  easy.     The  historical  basis  on  which 
the  biography  of  Buddha  rests  is  not  to  be  compared 
with  that  which  belongs  to  the  personality  and  life- 
work  of  our  blessed  Saviour.     The  Book  of  the  Great 
Decease  is,   at  the   very  least,  a  century  and  a  half 
later  than  the  events  it  describes,  and  the  authorities 
for  the   earlier   portions   of  Buddha's   life   are   much 
later  still.     Hence   the    opportunities    for    legendary 
growths  were  ample.     But  confining  our  attention  to 
the   oldest    Suttas  and    Vinaya    texts  which   treat  of 
Buddha's    missionary    career,    we    shall    not    go    far 
astray,  if  we  take  much  of  what  is  recorded  of  him  to 
be  at  least  typical  of  his  character  and  of  his  work. 
Not  all  the  anecdotes  told  of  him  may  be  historically 
true.     But  of  his  reputed  sayings  and  arguments  the 
substance  is  doubtless  in  great  part  his.     When  we 
consider  how  profound  must  have  been  the  influence 
he   exercised   on    his  generation,   when    we    bear    in 
mind   that  he  spent  the  best  part  of  his  long  life  in 
building  up  the  system  that  was  to  immortalize  his 
name,   that   by  years  of  intimate  association  he  had 
made  his   disciples  thoroughly  familiar  with  his   re- 
ligious  views,  his  disposition,  and  his  habits  of  life, 
we  need   not  deem   it  likely  that  in  the  memory  of 
those  who  carried  on  his  work  of  zeal,  his  character, 
words,    and    deeds    should    quickly    fade    away.     In 


The  Founder,  Buddha  85 

these  earlier  traditions,  we  have,  in  the  main,  a  fair 
indication  both  of  the  man  and  of  his  method  of 
teaching. 

There  is  something  inspiring  in  that  man  of  high 
birth  and  fine  culture,  leaving  all  the  world  holds 
dear,  to  bend  his  life's  energies  to  the  unselfish  task 
of  making  known  to  suffering  humanity  the  precious 
deliverance  he  thought  he  had  discovered.  In  his 
idea  of  salvation  he  missed  the  mark,  but  he  was 
none  the  less  sincere.  It  was  this  sincerity,  coupled 
with  true  greatness  of  soul,  that  carried  him  to  the 
successful  accomplishment  of  his  plans.  None  but  a 
great  and  strong  soul,  none  but  a  lofty  and  com- 
manding personality,  could  have  exerted  so  powerful 
an  influence  on  his  contemporaries  and  on  succeed- 
ing generations.  In  the  eyes  of  his  admiring  follow- 
ers, he  was  sinless,  free  from  all  defects,  adorned  with 
every  grace  of  mind  and  heart.  We  may  hesitate 
before  taking  the  highly  colored  portrait  of  Buddhist 
tradition  for  the  exact  representation  of  the  original. 
But  we  may  credit  him  all  the  same  with  the  qualities 
of  a  good  and  great  man.  The  records  depict  him 
moving  about  from  place  to  place,  regardless  of  com- 
fort, calm  and  fearless,  mild  and  compassionate,  con- 
siderate towards  men  of  every  walk  of  life,  absorbed 
with  the  one  idea  of  freeing  them  from  the  bonds  of 
misery,  and  irresistible  in  the  eloquence  and  skill  of 
argument  with  which  he  set  forth  the  way  of  deliver- 
ance.    In    his    mildness,    his    readiness   to    overlook 


86  Buddhism 

insults,  his  zeal,  his  chastity,  his  simplicity  of  life,  he 
reminds  one  not  a  little  of  Saint  Francis  of  Assisi.  In 
all  pagan  antiquity,  no  character  has  been  depicted 
more  noble  and  more  winsome.  If  the  portrait  is  in 
advance  of  the  original,  it  is  nevertheless  of  great 
value,  as  setting  forth  the  Buddhist  conception  of  the 
ideal  man. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   LAW,   DHAMMA 

Deliverance  from  suffering  the  aim  of  Buddhism  —  The  Four  Great 
Truths —  (i)  The  truth  of  suffering — Buddhist  pessimism — (2) 
The  cause  of  suffering  :  desire  and  ignorance  —  Karma  and  re- 
birth —  (3)  'J'he  extinction  of  suffering  through  the  extinction  of 
desire  —  Nirvana,  of  the  living,  of  the  dead  —  The  Buddhist  view 
of  the  soul  —  The  joyful  element  in  Buddhism  —  Nirvana  supple- 
mented by  the  Brahman  paradise,  swarga  —  The  latter  the  more 
popular  conception  —  (4)  The  eightfold  path  to  Nirvana  —  Com- 
parison of  the  Buddhist  with  the  Brahman  standard  of  ethics  — 
The  five  great  duties  —  Attitude  of  Buddhism  towards  suicide  — 
Gentleness  and  forgiveness  of  injuries  —  Examples  of  Buddhist 
wisdom. 

THE  sum  and  substance  of  Buddha's  teaching, 
known  as  Dhamma,  the  Law,  centred  about 
one  supremely  important  point,  namely,  deliverance 
from  suffering. 

"  As  the  great  sea,  O  disciples,  is  permeated  with  but  one 
taste,  the  taste  of  salt,  so  also,  O  disciples,  this  doctrine 
and  this  law  are  pervaded  with  but  one  taste,  the  taste  of 
deliverance."^ 

To  set  men  free  from  the  sufferings  of  conscious 
existence  was  the  great  end  for  which  Buddha  toiled. 

1  II.  Oldenberg,  Buddha,  His  Life,  His  Doctrines,  His  Order,  p.  265. 
The  quotations  drawn  from  this  admirable  work  are  versions  of  texts 
not  to  be  found  in  the  Sacred  Books  0/  the  East. 


88  Buddhism 

To  accomplish  this  purpose,  to  lead  men  to  everlast- 
ing rest,  he  had  to  win  their  assent  to  the  four  Great 
Truths  concerning  Suffering,  the  Cause  of  suffering, 
the  Extinction  of  suffering,  and  the  Path  leading  to 
the  extinction  of  suffering.  It  is  under  these  four 
heads  that  Buddha's  law  is  summed  up.  Let  us 
examine  them  one  by  one. 

The  first  truth  was  the  truth  of  suffering. 

"  This,  O  Bhikkhus,  is  the  noble  truth  of  suffering  :  birth  is 
suffering ;  decay  is  suffering ;  illness  is  suffering ;  death  is 
suffering.  Presence  of  objects  we  hate  is  suffering  ;  separa- 
tion from  objects  we  love  is  suffering  ;  not  to  obtain  what 
we  desire  is  suffering.  Briefly,  the  fivefold  clinging  to 
existence  is  suffering."  ^ 

Life  in  all  its  forms  is  suffering  and  is  not  worth 
living.  This  pessimistic  view,  the  fruit  of  Brahman 
pantheistic  speculation,  finds  expression  in  language 
almost  identical  with  what  we  find  in  the  Upanishads. 
The  body  is  held  in  the  same  morbid  contempt. 

"  Look  at  the  dressed-up  lump,  covered  with  wounds, 
joined  together,  sickly,  full  of  many  thoughts,  which  has  no 
strength,  no  hold  !  This  body  is  wasted,  full  of  sickness, 
and  frail ;  this  heap  of  corruption  breaks  to  pieces  ;  life  in- 
deed ends  in  death.  Those  white  bones,  like  gourds  thrown 
away  in  the  autumn,  what  pleasure  is  there  in  looking  at 
them?  After  a  stronghold  has  been  made  of  the  bones,  it  is 
covered  with  flesh  and  blood,  and  there  dwell  in  it  old  age 
and  death,  pride  and  deceit."  ^ 

1  Mahavagga,  i.  6,  19.  —  S.  B.  E.  XII  I.  p.  95. 

2  Dhamtnapada,  146-150.  — 5'.  B.  E.  X.  p.  41.  Cf.  i".  B.  E.  X.  Pt. 
ii.  p.  32. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  89 

In  the  world  of  life  and  action,  all  is  impermanent 
and  subject  to  decay,  all  is  disappointment  and 
bitterness,  vanity  and  vexation  of  spirit. 

"  There  are  five  things  which  no  Samana  or  Brahman  and 
no  god,  neither  Mara,  nor  Brahma,  nor  any  being  in  the 
universe  can  bring  about.  What  five  things  are  these  ? 
That  what  is  subject  to  old  age  should  not  grow  old  ;  that 
what  is  subject  to  sickness  should  not  be  sick ;  that  what  is 
subject  to  death  should  not  die  ;  that  what  is  subject  to 
decay  should  not  decay  ;  that  what  is  liable  to  pass  away, 
should  not  pass  away  :  —  this  can  no  Samana  bring  about, 
nor  any  Brahman,  nor  any  god,  neither  Mara  nor  Brahman 
nor  any  being  in  the  universe."  ^ 

Life  is  thus  strongly  flavored  with  the  bitterness  of 
disappointment,  of  fear,  of  anxiety,  of  pain,  of  sorrow, 
of  loss,  of  decay.    And  of  this  misery  there  is  no  end  ; 
for  as  soon  as  one  wretched  life  is  ended,  another 
follows  in  its  place. 

"The  pilgrimage  of  beings,  my  disciples,  has  its  beginning 
in  eternity.  No  opening  can  be  discovered,  from  which 
proceeding,  creatures  mazed  in  ignorance,  fettered  by  a 
thirst  for  being,  stray  and  wander.  What  think  ye,  disciples, 
whether  is  more,  the  water  which  is  in  the  four  oceans,  or 
the  tears  which  have  flowed  from  you  and  have  been  shed  by 
you  while  you  strayed  and  wandered  on  this  long  pilgrimage, 
and  sorrowed  and  wept  because  that  was  your  portion  which 
ye  abhorred,  and  that  which  ye  loved  was  not  your  portion  ? 
A  mother's  death,  a  father's  death,  a  brother's  death,  a  sister's 
death,  a  son's  death,  a  daughters  death,  the  loss  of  relations, 

i  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  217. 


90  Buddhism 

the  loss  of  property, — all  this  ye  have  experienced  through 
long  ages.  And  while  ye  experienced  this  through  long  ages, 
more  tears  have  flowed  from  you  and  have  been  shed  by  you, 
while  you  strayed  and  wandered  on  this  long  pilgrimage,  and 
sorrowed  and  wept  .  .  .  than  all  the  water  which  is  in  the 
four  oceans."  ^ 

What  is  the  fundamental  cause  of  this  misery  of 
life?  The  answer  to  this  question  constitutes  the 
second  of  the  four  great  truths. 

"This,  O  Bhikkhus,  is  the  noble  truth  of  the  cause  of 
suffering  :  thirst  that  leads  to  rebirth,  accompanied  by  pleas- 
ure and  lust,  finding  its  delight  here  and  there.  [This  thirst 
is  threefold],  namely,  thirst  for  pleasure,  thirst  for  existence,, 
thirst  for  prosperity."  ^ 

The  source  of  the  mischief  thus  lies  in  the  will.  It 
is  the  desire  to  live,  to  preserve  one's  individual  exist- 
ence, the  desire  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  sensual 
nature,  the  thirst  for  name  and  wealth  and  power, 
that  subjects  man  to  the  endless  round  of  rebirths 
with  their  unavoidable  accompaniments  of  decay,  im- 
permanence,  sickness,  misery. 

But  is  desire,  after  all,  the  ultimate  source  of  re- 
birth and  its  attendant  inisery?  It  seems  not;  for  in 
the  abstruse  chain  of  cause  and  effect  which  it  was 
the  duty  of  every  perfect  monk  to  understand,  igno' 
ranee  is  put  down  as  the  primary  cause  of  suffering. 
This  chain,  which  scholars  find  hard  to  explain,  runs 
as  follows :  — 

1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit-  pp.  216-217.  2  ^.  b.  E.  XIII.  p.  95. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  91 

*'  From  Ignorance  spring  the  Sankharas. 

"  From  the  Sankharas  springs  Consciousness. 

"  From  Consciousness  spring  Name  and  Form. 

"  From  the  Name  and  Form  spring  the  Six  Provinces  [of 
the  six  senses]. 

"  From  the  six  Provinces  springs  Contact. 

"  From  Contact  springs  Sensation. 

"  From  Sensation  springs  Thirst  [or  Desire]. 

"  From  Thirst  springs  Attachment. 

"  From  Attachment  springs  Existence. 

"  From  Existence  springs  Birth. 

"  From  Birth  spring  Old  Age  and  Death,  grief,  lamenta- 
tion, suffering,  dejection,  and  despair."  ^ 

If  we  ask  what  is  this  ignorance  which  lies  at  the 
root  of  all  sufifering,  we  are  told,  the  ignorance  of  the 
great  four  truths.  It  is  the  "  delusion  which  conceals 
from  man  the  true  being  and  the  true  value  of  the 
system  of  the  universe.  Being  is  suffering  :  but  igno- 
rance totally  deceives  us  as  to  this  sufifering :  it  causes 
us  to  see  instead  of  sufifering,  a  phantom  of  happiness 
and  pleasure."  ^ 

In  thus  attributing  the  origin  of  misery  to  ignorance 
and  desire,  Buddha  was  practically  in  harmony  with 
the  Upanishad  teaching,  according  to  which  igno- 
rance of  one's  identity  with  Brahman  gave  rise  to  the 
desire  for  individual  existence  with  its  attendant 
misery.     But  while  the  pantheistic  Brahman  laid  chief 

1  Mahavagga,  i.  i,  2.  —  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  pp.  75-77. 
-  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  241. 


92  Buddhism 

stress  on  ignorance,  Buddha  seems  to  have  empha- 
sized desire,  as  the  principal  cause  of  rebirth  and 
suffering. 

In  connection  with  this,  we  may  note  another  point 
of  doctrine  for  which  Buddha  was  indebted  to  Brah- 
manic  theology.  It  is  the  doctrine  of  karma.  Like 
the  Brahman,  Buddha  recognized  that  in  the  unceas- 
ing chain  of  births,  the  character  of  each  successive 
existence  of  the  individual  was  the  net  result  of  his 
good  and  evil  deeds  in  the  preceding  life.  Grades  of 
punishment  proportionate  to  the  degree  of  guilt 
awaited  the  sinner  at  death,  varying  from  rebirth  as  a 
man  of  lower  caste  down  to  a  life  of  appalling  but 
limited  duration  in  one  of  the  numerous  hells.  On 
the  other  hand,  various  other  forms  of  existence  on 
earth  and  in  heaven  were  the  expected  rewards  of 
those  who,  though  not  yet  ripe  for  Nirvana,  acquitted 
themselves  as  men  of  virtue.  This  inheritance  of  a 
sanction  after  death  of  good  and  evil  deeds  —  presup- 
posing, in  the  last  analysis,  beHef  in  man's  dependence 
on  a  supernatural  being  —  is  one  of  the  incongruities 
of  Buddhism. 

It  was  the  aim  of  popular  Brahmanism  to  help  man 
to  ward  off  by  suitable  penance  the  sad  consequences 
of  his  transgressions  and  attain  a  happy  existence  in 
heaven. 

Buddhism,  on  the  contrary,  sought,  like  the  Upan- 
ishad  pantheism,  to  secure  for  man  liberation  from  all 
individual,  conscious  existence,  even  life  in  heaven; 


The  Law,  Dhamma  93 

for  all  forms  of  individual  existence  were  held  to  be 
impermanent,  subject  to  decay  and  suffering. 

This  brings  us  to  the  third  great  truth  as  set  forth 
by  Buddha,  that  of  the  extinction  of  suffering. 

"  This,  O  Bhikkhus,  is  the  noble  truth  of  the  cessation  of 
suffering  :  [it  ceases  with]  the  complete  cessation  which  con- 
sists in  the  absence  of  every  passion  —  with  the  abandoning 
of  this  thirst,  with  the  doing  away  with  it,  with  the  deliverance 
from  it,  with  the  destruction  of  desire."  ^ 

Here  again,  the  strongly  developed  ethical  charac- 
ter of  Buddhism  asserts  itself  The  pantheistic  Brah- 
man said :  recognize  your  identity  with  the  god 
Brahman  and  you  thereby  cease  to  be  a  creature  of 
desires,  you  are  no  longer  subject  to  rebirths.  He 
laid  chief  stress  on  the  act  of  the  intellect. 

Buddha,  on  the  contrary,  puts  abstruse  specula- 
tion in  the  background,  and  insists  on  the  saving  act 
of  the  will,  the  suppression  of  all  desire,  as  the  one 
thing  needful. 

With  the  pantheist,  salvation  is  chiefly  through 
knowledge.  With  the  Buddhist,  it  is  chiefly  through 
volition.  Yet  the  value  of  rigrht  knowledge  is  not 
overlooked. 

"  While  he  thus  knows  and  apprehends  [the  four  sacred 
truths],  his  soul  is  freed  from  the  calamity  of  desire,  freed 
from  the  calamity  of  becoming,  freed  from  the  calamity  of 
error,  freed  from  the  calamity  of  ignorance.  In  the  deliv- 
ered there  arises  the  knowledge  of  his  deliverance,  ended 
t  ^  S.  B.  E.  XIIT.  p.  95. 


94  Buddhism 

is  rebirth,  fulfilled   the   law,  duty  done  ;  no  more  is  there 
any  returning  to  this  world  :  this  he  knows."  ^ 

What  is  this  extinction  of  desire  which  leads  to 
extinction  of  suffering?  Is  it  the  extinction  of  lust, 
of  consuming  ambition,  of  every  selfish,  unbridled 
craving  that  finds  its  satisfaction  in  sin?  It  is  this 
but  not  this  only.  The  extinction  of  evil  desires  will 
save  a  man  from  the  punishments  of  vile  rebirths, 
but  it  will  not  release  him  from  the  misery  of  exist- 
ence. To  this  end,  the  extinction  is  needed  of  all 
desire  save,  perhaps,  that  of  being  rid  of  miserable 
existence  itself.  Deliverance  from  rebirth  and  its 
attendant  suffering  seems  to  have  been  a  legitimate 
object  of  yearning.  But  to  attain  this  great  end,  all 
other  forms  of  desire  must  be  absolutely  quenched, 
—  the  natural  cravings  for  the  solace  and  comforts 
of  married  life,  the  desire  for  lawful  pleasures  and 
satisfactions  of  all  kinds,  the  desire  even  to  preserve 
one's  conscious  existence.  It  is  only  in  the  extinc- 
tion of  every  desire  that  cessation  of  misery  is  to  be 
attained.  It  is  this  state  of  absence  of  desire  and  of 
pain  which  is  known  as  Nirvana  (Nibbana). 

The  word  Nirvana  was  not  coined  by  Buddha.  It 
was  already  current.  Yet  in  the  mind  of  Buddha  it 
doubtless  assumed  a  new  shade  of  meaning.  In  the 
new  religion  it  conveyed  the  notion  of  complete 
repose,  of  perfect  freedom  from  desire  and  pain. 

1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  263.  • 


The  Law,  Dhamma  95 

The  word  Nirvana  means  a  "  blowing  out,"  an 
extinction,  primarily,  of  the  fire  of  desire,  of  ill-will, 
of  delusion,  of  all,  in  short,  that  binds  the  individual 
to  rebirth  and  misery.  In  this  sense,  it  is  the  pos- 
session of  every  follower  of  Buddha  as  soon  as  he 
has  fully  mastered  the  four  sacred  truths  and  thereby 
attained  to  the  perfection  of  the  arhat.  "  The  dis- 
ciple who  has  put  off  lust  and  desire,  rich  in  wisdom, 
has  here  on  earth  attained  the  deliverance  from  death, 
the  rest,  the  Nirvana,  the  eternal  state."  ^  It  was 
thus,  in  the  living  saint,  a  state  of  calm  repose,  of 
indifference  to  life  and  death,  to  pleasure  and  pain, 
a  state  of  imperturbable  tranquillity,  where  the  sense 
of  freedom  from  the  bonds  of  rebirth  caused  the  dis- 
comforts, as  well  as  the  joys,  of  life  to  sink  into  in- 
significance. It  was  the  state  which  enabled  one  of 
Buddha's  prominent  disciples  to  say:  "I  long  not 
for  death,  I  long  not  for  life,  I  wait  till  my  hour 
comes,  like  a  servant  waiting  for  his  reward ;  I  long 
not  for  death,  I  long  not  for  life,  I  wait  till  my  hour 
comes,  alert  and  with  watchful  mind."  ^ 

Between  this  form  of  Nirvana  as  attained  by  the 
perfected  Buddhist  before  death,  and  the  tranquillity 
of  soul  of  the  Brahman  ascetic  after  recognizing  fully 
his  identity  with  Brahman,  there  is  little  difference. 
Of  the  latter  it  is  said :  "  Let  him  not  desire  to  die, 
let  him  not  desire  to  live ;  let  him  wait  for  [his  ap- 

1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  264. 

2  Ibid'-p.  265. 


96  Buddhism 

pointed]  time  as  a  servant  [waits]  for  the  payment 
of  his  wages."  ^ 

But  it  is  not  till  the  Buddhist  arhat  has  passed 
from  earthly  existence  that  Nirvana  is  realized  in  its 
completeness.  In  this  strict  sense,  it  implies  much 
more  than  a  peaceful  indifference  to  pleasure  and 
pain.  He  who  has  entered  into  Nirvana  through 
death  has  no  longer  any  conscious  existence,  nothing 
resembling  the  life  of  men  or  of  gods.  "  The  body 
of  the  Perfect  One,  O  disciples,"  runs  an  old  text 
concerning  Buddha,  "  subsists,  cut  off  from  the 
stream  of  becoming.  As  long  as  his  body  subsists, 
so  long  will  gods  and  men  see  him.  If  his  body  be 
dissolved,  his  life  run  out,  gods  and  men  shall  no 
more  behold  him."^ 

When  asked  the  meaning  of  the  cloud  of  smoke 
which  flurried  about  the  corpse  of  the  arhat  God- 
hika,  Buddha  is  made  to  say :  "  That  is  Mara,  the 
wicked  One,  O  disciples ;  he  is  looking  for  the  noble 
Godhika's  consciousness.  But  the  noble  Godhika 
has  entered  into  Nirvana;  his  consciousness  nowhere 
remains."  ^ 

Eternal,  unconscious  repose  —  such  is  the  state  of 
Nirvana.  Such,  too,  was  the  state  of  absorption  in 
Brahman,  the  goal  towards  which  the  pantheist 
directed  his  religious  thought  and  action.  The 
beatific    state    to    which    the    latter    aspired    implied 

1  Mann,  vi.  45.  ^  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  266. 

3  Ibid.  p.  266. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  97 

eternal  existence  of  identity  with  Brahman.  Did 
Nirvana  Hkewise  imply  continuity  of  existence  or 
did  it  mean  annihilation? 

Many  scholars  have  taken  Nirvana  to  be  synony- 
mous with  annihilation.  And,  in  truth,  if  the  psy- 
chological speculations  found  in  the  sacred  books 
are  part  of  Buddha's  personal  teaching,  it  is  hard 
to  see  how  he  could  have  held  aught  else  as  the 
supreme  goal  of  noblest  endeavor. 

According  to  these  speculations,  there  is  no  such 
thing  in  man  as  a  permanent  soul,  surviving  after 
death  and  preserving  one's  personality  unchanged. 
Every  individual  is  a  compound  of  various  elements 
which  admit  of  classification  into  five  groups:  (i) 
bodily  form,  (2)  sensations,  (3)  perceptions,  (4) 
conformations  {sankharas,  inner  workings  of  intellect 
and  will),  (5)  consciousness.  None  of  these  by  itself 
constitutes  the  ego,  which  is  the  joint  product  of 
all  combined,  just  as  the  chariot  is  a  complex  unit  not 
to  be  identified  with  any  one  of  its  component  parts.-^ 
The  proportions  in  which  these  constituent  elements 
combine  vary  in  each  individual,  being  determined  by 
the  karma  resulting  from  his  previous  existence.  At 
death  they  fall  away,  to  be  forthwith  succeeded  by 
a  new  combination.  The  element  of  consciousness 
seems  to  be  the  connecting  thread  running  through 
the    constant    succession    of  new  existences,  but    in 

1  Cf.  Questions  of  King  Milanda,  ii.  i,  \.  — S.  B.  E.  XXXV.  pp. 

42  ff. 

7 


^8  Buddhism 

reality  each  new  combination  gives  rise  to  a  different 
personality.  The  logical  result  of  this  philosophy  is 
that  when  in  Nirvana  these  constituent  elements  part 
company,  never  to  be  recombined  into  a  new  ego, 
there  is  no  further  existence,  but  absolute  annihilation. 

If  Buddha  really  held  this  view  of  human  personal- 
ity, he  carefully  abstained  in  his  teaching  from  draw- 
ing its  logical  conclusion.  Neither  did  he  declare 
Nirvana  to  be,  as  some  scholars  think,  "  the  very  per- 
fection of  existence,  the  beatitude  of  repose  beyond 
comparison  with  earthly  joys."  ^  The  researches  of 
Professor  Oldenberg  and  others  have  made  it  clear 
that,  in  the  beginning,  positive  teaching  on  the  nature 
of  Nirvana  after  death  was  expressly  avoided. 

When  asked  by  the  venerable  disciple  Malukya,  in 
the  most  direct  manner,  whether  he,  the  Perfect  One, 
would  live  or  not  after  death,  Buddha  refused  to  give 
any  information,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  irrelevant, 
not  conducive  to  peace  and  enlightenment.  It  was 
sufficient  to  know  the  four  truths,  and  hence  that 
Nirvana  was  liberation  from  suffering,  "Therefore, 
Malukya,  whatsoever  has  not  been  revealed  by  me, 
let  that  remain  unrevealed ;  arid  what  has  been  re- 
vealed, let  it  be  revealed."^ 

On  another  occasion  a  wandering  monk,  not  of  his 
order,  asked  him  two  questions:   "  Is  there  the  ego? 

1  Cf.  Max  Miiller,  in  his  introduction  to  Buddhaghosha's  Parables, 
by  T.  Rogers. 

2  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  pp.  275-276. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  99 

Is  there  not  the  ego?  "  These  questions  Buddha  met 
with  absolute  silence.  When  asked  later  by  his  faith- 
ful disciple  Ananda  why  he  had  not  answered,  Buddha 
replied  that  to  have  said  "the  ego  is"  would  have 
confirmed  the  heretical  doctrine  of  the  permanence 
of  things,  while  to  have  said  "the  ego  is  not"  would 
have  confirmed  the  doctrine  of  those  who  believed  in 
annihilation.  It  would  have  caused  the  monk  to  be 
thrown  from  one  bewilderment  into  another:  "My 
ego   did    not    exist    before?     But    now    it    exists    no 


longer."  ^ 


To  pronounce,  then,  either  upon  the  existence  or 
upon  the  non-existence  of  those  who  entered  into 
Nirvana  was  declared  wrong  by  Buddha.  As  was  the 
teaching  of  the  Master,  so  was  that  of  his  intimate 
disciples. 

A  monk,  who  interpreted  Nirvana  to  mean  annihil- 
ation, was  taken  to  task  by  the  venerable  Sariputta, 
who  by  a  series  of  pointed  questions  convinced  him 
that  he  had  no  right  to  hold  such  a  view,  since  the 
subject  was  involved  in  mystery.  ^ 

The  answer  which  the  nun  Khema  made  to  the 
King  of  Kosala,  when  inquiring  about  the  existence 
of  the  deceased  Buddha,  was  in  a  similar  vein. 
Whether  the  Perfect  One  exists  after  death,  whether 
he  does  not  exist  after  death,  whether  he  exists  and 
at  the  same  time  does  not  exist  after  death,  whether 
he  neither  exists  nor  does  not  exist  after  death,  has 

1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  pp.  272-273.  2  /^/^_  pp  281-282. 


loo  Buddhism 

not  been  revealed  by  Buddha.  Why  not?  Because 
the  existence  of  the  Perfect  One  is  a  subject  too  deep 
to  be  fathomed,  Hke  the  ocean.  "  '  The  Perfect  One 
exists  after  death,'  this  is  not  apposite ;  '  The  Perfect 
One  does  not  exist  after  death,'  this  is  also  not  appo- 
site ;  '  The  Perfect  One  at  the  same  time  exists  and 
does  not  exist  after  death,'  this  is  also  not  apposite ; 
'  The  Perfect  One  neither  does  nor  does  not  exist 
after  death,'   this  also  is  not  apposite."  ^ 

Since,  then,  the  nature  of  Nirvana  was  too  mysteri- 
ous to  be  grasped  by  the  Hindu  mind,  too  subtile  to 
be  expressed  in  terms  either  of  existence  or  non- 
existence, it  is  idle  to  attempt  a  positive  solution  of 
the  question  left  purposely  unanswered  by  Buddha. 
It  suffices  to  know  that  it  meant  a  state  of  unconscious 
repose,  of  endless  tranquillity,  undisturbed  by  feelings 
of  joy  or  sorrow.  Between  such  a  state  and  that  of 
positive  annihilation,  there  is  practically  nothing  to 
choose.  The  Buddhist  ideal  is  that  of  an  eternal 
sleep  which  knows  no  awakening.  In  this  respect  it 
is  practically  one  with  the  ideal  of  the  pantheistic 
Brahman. 

A  religious  system  that  persuades  its  votaries  that 
life  at  its  best  is  not  worth  living,  that  offers  as  its 
highest  consolation  an  eternity  of  unconscious  repose, 
seems  melancholy  enough  in  our  eyes.  Its  natural 
fruit  would  seem  to  be  pessimism  and  despair.  Yet 
with  the  Indian  Buddhist  it  was  not  so.  For  him, 
1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  pp.  27S-2S0. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  loi 

liberation  from  the  misery  of  individual  existence  was 
a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished.  Nirvana 
was  the  siimniiiin  bonum.  It  was  to  him  what  heaven 
is  to  the  zealous  Christian,  —  the  one  great  object  of 
yearning  and  of  hope.  And  so  the  dominant  tone  in 
Buddhism  is  that  of  joy. 

"Let  us  live  happily,  then,  free  from  aihnents  among  the 
ailing  !  .  .  .  Let  us  live  happily,  then,  though  we  can  call 
nothing  our  own  !  We  shall  be  like  the  brightest  gods  feeding 
on  happiness  !  .  .  .  Health  is  the  greatest  of  gifts,  contented- 
ness  the  best  riches ;  trust  is  the  best  of  relationships  ;  Nir- 
vana the  highest  happiness."  ^ 

But  the  recognition  of  this  heroic  ideal  by  Buddha's 
followers  does  not  mean  that  it  was  for  all  alike  an 
object  of  enthusiastic  longing.  As  may  well  be 
imagined,  only  the  more  resolute  souls  bent  their 
energies  to  the  stern  task  of  attaining  at  death  to 
Nirvana.  It  is  only  of  the  noble  few  that  the 
Buddhist  verse  holds  true :  "  Even  in  heavenly 
pleasures  he  finds  no  satisfaction,  the  disciple  who 
is  fully  awakened  delights  only  in  the  destruction  of 
all  desires."  ^ 

Buddha's  system  conveniently  provided  for  those 
who  accepted  in  theory  the  teaching  that  Nirvana 
alone  was  the  true  end  of  man,  but  who  still  lacked 
the  courage  to  cut  aloof  from  all  individual  existence. 
The  various  heavens  of  Brahman  theology,  with  their 

1  Dhammapada,  198,  200,  204.  — 6".  B.  E.  X.  pp.  53,  55. 

2  Dhavimapada,  187.  —  S.  B.  E.  X.  p.  51. 


I02  Buddhism 

positive,  even  sensual,  delights  were  retained  as  the 
reward  of  virtuous  souls  not  yet  ripe  for  Nirvana. 
To  aspire  after  such  rewards  was  permitted  to  the 
lukewarm  monk ;  it  was  commended  to  the  layman. 
Hence  the  frequent  reference,  even  in  the  earliest 
Buddhist  scriptures,  to  heaven  (swarga)  and  to  future 
delights  as  an  encouragement  to  right  conduct. 

"  Follow  the  law  of  virtue  !  The  virtuous  rest  in  bliss  in 
this  world  and  in  the  next."  "  This  world  is  dark,  few  only 
can  see  here  ;  a  few  only  go  to  heaven,  like  birds  escaped 
from  the  net."  "  The  uncharitable  do  not  go  to  the  world 
of  the  gods."  "  Some  people  are  born  again  ;  evil-doers  go 
to  hell ;  righteous  people  go  to  heaven  ;  those  who  are  free 
from  all  worldly  desires  attain  Nirvana."  ^ 

Buddha  himself  is  made  responsible  for  the  state- 
ment that  they  who  die  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  four 
holy  places  "  shall  be  reborn  after  death,  when  the 
body  shall  dissolve,  in  the  happy  realms  of  heaven."  ^ 

Sufficient  prominence  is  not  generally  given  to 
this  more  popular  side  of  Buddhist  teaching,  with- 
out which  the  followers  of  Buddha  would  have  been 
limited  to  an  insignificant  and  short-lived  band  of 
heroic  souls.  It  is  this  element,  so  prominent  in  the 
inscriptions  of  Asoka,  that  tempered  the  severity  of 
Buddha's  doctrine  of  Nirvana  and  made  his  religion 
acceptable  to  the  masses.  It  was  destined  in  course 
of    time    to    triumph    over    the    primitive    notion    of 

1  Dhammapada,  i6S,  174,  177,  126. 

2  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  v.  22.  — S.  B,  E.  XI.  p.  91.  Vide  infra, 
pp.   127.  134. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  103 

Nirvana  itself,    reducing    it  to   a   heaven    of  positive 
and   never-ending  delights. 

But  how  was  man  to  attain  to  the  extinction  of 
desire  and  thus  share  in  the  supreme  bliss  of  Nir- 
vana? The  answer  is  found  in  the  last  of  the  four 
great  truths. 

"  This,  O  Bhikkhus,  is  the  noble  truth  of  the  path  which 
leads  to  the  cessation  of  suffering,  that  holy  eightfold  path, 
that  is  to  say,  right  belief,  right  aspiration,  right  speech,  right 
conduct,  right  means  of  livelihood,  right  endeavor,  right 
memory,  right  meditation."  ^ 

In  this  eightfold  path,  we  have  an  abstract  sum- 
mary of  the  laws  of  conduct  to  which  every  one 
aspiring  to  Nirvana  should  conform.  They  fall 
naturally  under  two  heads:  first,  those  belonging 
to  the  domain  of  morals;  secondly,  those  touching 
on  discipline.  The  latter  division  will  be  sufficiently 
treated  when  we  speak  of  the  Order,  the  Sangha. 
It  is  chiefly  to  the  ethical  code  recognized  by 
Buddha  that  we  now  turn  our  attention. 

If  we  compare  the  ethical  code  of  Buddha  with 
that  recognized  in  the  Brahman  law-books,  we  note 
two  chief  points  of  difference.  The  first  is  the 
absence  in  Buddhism,  to  a  large  extent,  of  those 
puerile  precepts  and  prohibitions  that  must  have 
made  life  under  the  old  religion  so  irksome.  The 
second  is  the  severe,  though  logical,  attitude  which 
Buddha  took  towards  married  life.     With  the  excep- 

1  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  95. 


I04  Buddhism 

tion  of  these  two  points,  Buddhist  ethics  differ  but 
little  from  those  of  Brahmanism.  If  we  may  trust 
the  evidence  drawn  from  Buddhist  sources,  the 
Brahmans  of  Buddha's  day  were  far  from  exhibit- 
ing in  their  manner  of  life  the  realization  of  the  high 
moral  standard  we  find  in  the  Lazus  of  Manu.  The 
followers  of  Buddha,  fired  by  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
new  movement,  gave  examples  of  moral  earnestness 
that  put  the  Brahmans  to  the  blush  and  told  strongly 
in  favor  of  the  Buddhist  claims.  Yet,  in  theory,  the 
moral  code  of  Buddhism  was  little  more  than  a  copy 
of  that  of  Brahmanism. 

Buddhist  morality,  like  the  Brahman,  did  not  con- 
sist in  mere  outward  conformity  to  the  standard  of 
right  and  wrong.  It  had  its  source  in  the  will.  A 
man's  thoughts,  no  less  than  his  words  and  deeds, 
formed  the  basis  of  his  moral  \vorth. 

This  important  ethical  truth  finds  abundant  expres- 
sion in  the  Buddhist  scriptures,  notably  in  the  Bud- 
dhist book  of  proverbs  known  as  the  DJiavimapada 
(Path  of  the  Law). 

"  All  that  we  are  is  the  result  of  what  we  have  thought : 
it  is  founded  in  our  thoughts,  it  is  made  up  of  our  thoughts. 
If  a  man  speaks  or  acts  with  an  evil  thought,  pain  follows 
him,  as  the  wheel  follows  the  foot  of  the  ox  that  draws  the 
carriage.  ...  If  a  man  speaks  or  acts  with  a  pure  thought, 
happiness  follows  him,  like  a  shadow  that  never  leaves 
him."  ^ 

1  Dhammapada,  1-2.     6".  B.  E.  X.  pp.  3  and  4. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  105 

"  Let  the  wise  man  guard  his  thoughts,  for  they  are  diffi- 
cult to  i)erceive,  very  artful,  and  they  rush  wherever  they 
list :  thoughts  well  guarded  bring  happiness."  ^ 

"  Even  the  gods  envy  him  whose  senses,  like  horses  well 
broken  in  by  the  driver,  have  been  subdued,  who  is  free  from 
pride,  and  free  from  appetites.  .  .  .  His  thought  is  quiet, 
quiet  are  his  word  and  deed,  when  he  has  obtained  freedom 
by  true  knowledge."  ^ 

"  Not  nakedness,  nor  platted  hair,  nor  dirt,  nor  fasting, 
nor  lying  on  the  ground,  nor  rubbing  with  dust,  nor  sitting 
motionless  can  purify  a  mortal  who  has  not  overcome 
desire."  ^ 

The  five  great  duties,  constituting  the  "  fivefold 
uprightness "  are  an  echo  of  Brahman  teaching. 
They  are:  (i)  not  to  kill  any  living  creature;  (2) 
not  to  steal;  (3)  not  to  act  unchastely;  (4)  not  to 
lie;   (5)  not  to  drink  intoxicating  liquors. 

The  lawfulness  of  hastening  one's  entrance  into 
Nirvana  by  suicide  would  seem  to  be  a  natural  de- 
duction from  the  pessimistic  premises  laid  down  by 
Buddha ;  and  in  fact  there  are  a  (ew  instances  on 
record  of  Buddhist  arhats  dying  by  their  own  hands 
without  any  blame  attaching  to  their  conduct.  But 
these  instances  are  rare  exceptions.  To  incite  any- 
one to  take  his  own  life  was  an  offence  rendering  a 
monk  liable  to  expulsion  from  the  community. 

"Whatsoever  Bhikkhu  shall  knowingly  deprive  of  life  a 
human  being,  or  shall  seek  out  an  assassin  against  a  human 

1  Dhammapada,  36.     S.  B.  E.  X.  p.  12. 

2  Ibid.  94  and  96,  p.  28.  3  //,/^_  1^7^  p.  -^8. 


io6  Buddhism 

being,  or  shall  utter  the  praises  of  death,  or  incite  another  to 
self-destruction,  saying,  '  Ho !  my  friend !  what  good  do 
you  get  from  this  wicked,  sinful  life  ?  Death  is  better  to 
thee  than  life  !  '  —  if,  so  thinking,  and  with  such  an  aim,  he, 
by  various  argument,  utter  the  praises  of  death  or  incite 
another  to  self-destruction  —  he  too  is  fallen  into  defeat,  he 
is  no  longer  in  communion."'  ^ 

Lust,  covetousness,  envy,  pride,  harshness,  are 
fittingly  condemned.  But  what,  perhaps,  brings 
Buddhism  most  strikingly  in  contact  with  Chris- 
tianity, is  its  spirit  of  gentleness  and  forgiveness  of 
injuries.  To  cultivate  benevolence  towards  men  of  all 
classes,  to  avoid  anger  and  physical  violence,  to  be 
patient  under  insult  and  injury,  to  return  good  for 
evil,  all  this  was  inculcated  in  Buddhism  and  helped 
to  make  it  one  of  the  gentlest  of  religions.  Buddha 
did  not  originate  this  notion  of  gentleness  and  for- 
giveness of  wrongs.  It  already  existed  in  Brahmanic 
teaching.  But  in  Buddhism  it  seems  to  have  been 
brought  into  greater  prominence. 

"  Let  a  man  leave  anger,  let  him  forsake  pride,  let  him 
overcome  all  bondage!  ...  He  who  holds  back  rising 
anger  like  a  rolling  chariot,  him  I  call  a  real  driver ;  other 
people  are  but  holding  the  reins.  Let  a  man  overcome 
anger  by  love  ;  let  him  overcome  evil  by  good  ;  let  him  over- 
come greed  by  liberality,  the  liar  by  truth  !  Speak  the  truth, 
do  not  yield  to  anger ;  give,  if  thou  art  asked  for  Httle  ;  by 
these  three  steps  thou  wilt  go  near  the  gods."  ^ 

1  Patimokkha.  —  S.  8.  E.  XIII.  p.  4- 

2  Dhammapada,   221-224.     Cf.  231-234. 


The  Law,  Dhamma  107 

The  following  thoughts  from  the  Dhammapada  are 
further  illustrations  of  Buddhist  wisdom  in  its  highest 
form. 

"  Let  no  man  make  light  of  evil,  saying  in  his  heart :  it 
will  not  come  nigh  unto  me.  Even  by  the  falling  of  water- 
drops,  a  water-pot  is  filled.  The  fool  becomes  full  of  evil, 
even  if  he  gather  it  little  by  little."  ^ 

"  If  one  man  conquer  in  battle  a  thousand  times  a  thou- 
sand men,  and  if  another  conquer  himself,  he  is  the 
greatest  of  conquerors."  '^ 

"  Better  the  life  of  one  day,  if  a  man  is  virtuous  and  re- 
flecting, than  that  of  a  hundred  years,  if  he  is  vicious  and 
unrestrained."  ^ 

"  A  man  is  not  an  elder,  because  his  hair  is  gray.  His  age 
may  be  ripe,  but  he  is  called  Old-in-vain.  He  in  whom 
there  is  truth,  virtue,  love,  restraint,  moderation,  he  who  is 
free  from  impurity  and  is  wise,  he  is  called  an  elder."  ^ 

"  It  is  easy  to  see  another's  faults,  it  is  hard  to  see  one's 
own.  A  man  winnows  his  neighbor's  faults  like  chaff,  but 
his  own  fault  he  hides,  as  a  cheat  hides  a  bad  die  from  the 
gambler."  ^ 

1  Dhain.  1 21.  2  /^/^.  103.  3  /^;V/.  1 10. 

4  Ibid.  260-261.  ^  Ibid.  252. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   BUDDHIST   ORDER,   SANGHA 

Celibacy  exacted  of  Buddha's  followers — Severe  attitude  towards 
marriage — Poverty  and  asceticism  also  requisite  —  Excessive 
austerities  avoided  —  Alms  the  means  of  subsistence:  hence  the 
name  Bhikkhus  —  Neither  manual  labor  nor  works  of  charity  in 
harmony  with  Buddhist  discipline — Distinctions  of  birth  ignored 

—  Buddha  not  a  social  reformer  —  The  Novitiate  —  Rite  of  initia- 
tion—  Rule  of  life  —  Clothing  and  food  —  Avoidance  of  luxuries 
and  worldly  amusements  —  Cleanliness  exacted  —  Precautions  to 
be  observed  in  traversing  the  village  and  in  the  presence  of  women 

—  The  rite  of  confession,  the  Patimokkha  —  The  retreat  during 
the  rainy  season,  Vassa  —  Meditation  —  Grades  of  perfection  — 
Bhikkhunis  —  The  lay  element  in  Buddhism. 


T 


HE  extinction  of  suffering  through  the  extinc- 
tion of  desire  is  the  keynote  of  Buddhism.  The 
path  to  Nirvana  was  marked  by  the  gravestones,  not 
only  of  every  unworthy  passion,  but  of  every  legiti- 
mate desire  of  human  nature.  The  perfect  life,  of 
which  Buddha  set  the  example  and  to  which  he  in- 
vited his  fellow-men,  was  a  life  of  celibacy  and 
asceticism. 

It  was  first  of  all  a  life  of  celibacy.  Conjugal  life, 
being  founded  on  the  reproductive  instinct,  was  in- 
compatible with  the  quenching  of  desire  and  the  ex- 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        109 

tinction  of  individual  existence.  Hence  detachment 
from  family  life  was  the  first  requisite  of  a  true  fol- 
lower of  Buddha. 

The  attitude  which  Buddha  took  towards  marriage 
was  excessively  derogatory  and  severe.  "  A  man 
should  avoid  married  life,"  he  taught,  "  as  if  it  were 
a  burning  pit  of  live  coals."  ^  A  converted  house- 
holder is  represented  as  saying:  — 

"  Full  of  hindrances  is  the  household  life,  a  path  defiled 
by  passion  :  free  as  the  air  is  the  life  of  him  who  has  re- 
nounced all  earthly  things.  How  difficult  it  is  for  the  man 
who  dwells  at  home  to  live  the  higher  life  in  all  its  fulness, 
in  all  its  purity,  in  all  its  bright  perfection  !  Let  me  then  cut 
off  my  hair  and  beard,  let  me  clothe  myself  in  orange-colored 
robes,  and  let  me  go  forth  from  a  household  life  into  the 
homeless  state  !  "  ^ 

But  detachment  from  family  life  was  not  the  only 
sacrifice  demanded  of  Buddha's  followers.  They  had 
to  stand  aloof  from  all  that  binds  the  heart  to  indi- 
vidual existence ;  they  had  to  give  up  worldly  pos- 
sessions, and  worldly  power,  to  detach  themselves  from 
everything  that  could  minister  to  pride  and  softness 
and  ease.  They  had,  in  a  word,  to  live  a  life  of  pov- 
erty and  asceticism. 

It  is  easy  to  see  in  all  this  the  influence  of  Brahman 
asceticism.     Still,  in  exacting  of  his  followers  a  life  of 

1  Dhammika  Sutta,  21.  Quoted  by  Monier  Williams,  Buddhism, 
p.  88. 

2  Tevijja  Sutta,  i.  47.— i".  B.  E.  XI.  p.  187. 


iio  Buddhism 

severe  simplicity,  Buddha  did  not  go  to  the  extremes 
of  fanaticism  which  characterized  most  of  the  ascetics 
of  his  day.  He  chose  a  more  rational  course,  which 
excluded  a  life  of  unrelenting  austerity  no  less  than 
one  of  ease  and  abundance.  In  his  first  sermon 
preached  at  Benares  to  the  ascetics  who  had  been  his 
former  companions  in  the  practice  of  excessive  mor- 
tifications, he  said :  — 

"  There  are  two  extremes,  O  Bhikkhus,  which  he  who  has 
given  up  the  world  ought  to  avoid.  What  are  these  two 
extremes?  A  life  given  to  pleasure,  devoted  to  pleasures 
and  lusts  :  this  is  degrading,  sensual,  vulgar,  ignoble,  and 
profitless  ;  and  a  life  given  to  mortifications  :  this  is  painful, 
ignoble,  and  profitless.  By  avoiding  these  two  extremes,  O 
Bhikkhus,  the  Tathagata  has  gained  the  knowledge  of  the 
middle  path,  which  leads  to  insight,  which  leads  to  wisdom, 
which  conduces  to  calm,  to  knowledge,  to  the  Sambodhi,  to 
Nirvana."  ^ 

In  an  interesting  dialogue  between  Buddha  and  a 
monk  who,  in  his  reaction  from  a  life  of  undue  asceti- 
cism, was  tempted  to  adopt  the  opposite  extreme  of 
reckless  enjoyment,  the  middle  path  of  moderate  as- 
ceticism is  compared  to  a  lute  which  gives  forth  the 
proper  tones  only  when  the  strings  are  neither  too 
tight  nor  too  slack.^ 

To  secure  perfect  detachment  from  the  world, 
Buddha    adopted    for   himself  and  his  followers   the 

1  Mahavagga,  i.  6,  17.—^.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  94. 

2  .S-.  B.  E.  XVII.  p.  7. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        1 1 1 

quiet,  secluded,  contemplative  life  practised  by  the 
ascetics  of  his  day.  Their  means  of  subsistence  was 
alms  ;  hence  the  name  commonly  applied  to  Buddhist 
monks,^  BJdkkJius,  beggars,  mendicants.  It  was  for- 
eign to  his  plan  that  his  followers  should  engage  in 
any  works  of  manual  labor  or  in  charitable  ministra- 
tions to  the  unfortunate.  The  traditional  contempt 
of  the  Brahman  for  industrial  pursuits  was  largely 
shared  by  the  Buddhist.  Then,  too,  manual  labor 
would  have  been  productive  of  riches,  would  have 
entangled  the  aspirant  to  perfection  in  worldly  cares, 
and  enfeebled  him  for  the  great  business  that  de- 
manded his  undivided  attention,  the  thorough  knowl- 
edge and  observance  of  the  law. 

In  like  manner,  works  of  charity,  such  as  the  care 
of  the  sick  and  destitute,  would  have  been  a  hin- 
drance to  Buddhist  perfection.  Not  indeed  that  the 
needs  of  the  sick  and  helpless  were  utterly  ignored. 
Through  Buddhist  influence,  centres  were  established 
where  the  suffering  could  repair  for  medicine  and 
treatment.  But  these  charitable  offices  were  admin- 
istered by  laymen,  not  by  monks.  Nevertheless, 
there  is  not  in  Buddhism  that  keen  sympathy  for  indi- 
vidual suffering  and  that  corresponding  impulse  to 
alleviate  it  for  which  Christianity  is  pre-eminently  con- 

1  The  application  of  the  Christian  terms,  monks  and  nuns,  to 
members  of  the  Buddhist  order  is  regrettable  on  account  of  the  con- 
fusion of  thought  to  which  it  is  apt  to  lead.  But  having  the  sanction 
of  modern  usage,  it  cannot  well  be  avoided. 


1 1  2  Buddhism 

spicuous.  Buddha's  chief  concern  was  to  teach  men 
to  escape  the  misery  of  rebirth  by  the  extinction  of 
all  desire.  Hence  the  tendency  to  view  present  suffer- 
ings with  indifference.  To  nurse  the  sick  and  minister 
to  the  needs  of  the  destitute,  would  have  helped  to 
confirm  the  afflicted  in  their  delusive  attachment  to 
individual  existence,  the  very  thing  which  Buddha 
sought  to  undo.  It  would  likewise  have  been  too  dis- 
tracting. The  life  which  Buddha  felt  to  be  alone 
suited  to  the  pursuit  of  Nirvana  was  one,  not  of  active 
participation  in  the  world,  but  of  quiet  solitude  and 
contemplation.  In  the  Tevijja  Siitta  the  conduct  of 
the  Buddhist  monk  is  contrasted  with  that  of  certain 
heretical  monks  who  gain  a  livelihood  "  by  prescrib- 
ing medicines  to  produce  vomiting  or  purging,  or  to 
remove  obstructions  in  the  higher  or  lower  intestines, 
or  to  relieve  headache ;  by  preparing  oils  for  the  ear, 
collyriums,  catholicons,  antimony,  and  cooling  drinks  ; 
by  practising  cautery,  midwifery,  or  the  use  of  root 
decoctions  or  salves."^  The  only  act  of  beneficence 
which  Buddha  inculcated  on  his  disciples  was  to 
preach  to  others. 

Such  are  the  main  characteristics  of  the  religious 
life,  if  we  may  call  it  religious,  to  which  Buddha 
invited  his  fellow-men.  And  in  thus  opening  up 
what  he  felt  to  be  the  true  path  of  salvation,  he 
made  no  discrimination  of  social  conditions.  Herein 
lay  one  of  the  most  striking  contrasts  between  the 

1  S.  B.  E.  XI.  p.  200. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        1 1  3 

old  religion  and  the  new.  Brahmanism  was  founded 
on  caste-distinctions.  Full  participation  in  its  ad- 
vantages belonged  to  the  Brahmans  alone.  The 
religious  privileges  accorded  to  members  of  the  next 
two  castes,  were  of  an  inferior  grade,  while  Sudras, 
and  members  of  still  lower  classes,  were  absolutely 
excluded. 

Buddha,  on  the  contrary,  extended  the  hand  of 
welcome  to  men  of  low,  as  well  as  high,  birth  and 
station.  Virtue,  not  birth,  was  declared  to  be  the 
test  of  superiority.  In  the  brotherhood  which  he 
built  around  him,  all  caste-distinctions  were  put  aside. 
The  despised  Sudra  stood  on  a  footing  of  perfect 
equality  with  the  high-born  Brahman.  All  were 
brothers ;  and  if  greater  esteem  attached  to  some, 
it  was  owing  to  their  greater  zeal  in  the  practice  of 
virtue.  In  this  religious  democracy  of  Buddhism 
lay  doubtless  one  of  its  strongest  influences  for  con- 
version among  the  lower  masses. 

In  thus  putting  his  followers,  irrespective  of  birth, 
on  a  plane  of  perfect  equality,  Buddha  had  no  inten- 
tion of  acting  the  part  of  a  social  reformer.  Not  a 
few  writers  have  attributed  to  him  the  purpose  of 
breaking  down  caste-distinctions  in  society,  and  of 
replacing  them  by  a  democratic  system  which  would 
insure  a  more  equitable  distribution  of  privileges. 
This  is  a  mistake.  Buddha  had  no  more  intention 
of  abolishing  caste  than  he  did  of  abolishing  mar- 
riage.    It  was  only  within  the  limits  of  his  own  order 


1 14  Buddhism 

that  he  insisted  on  social  equality,  as  he  did  on  celi- 
bacy. It  was  not  part  of  his  plan  to  secure  the 
amelioration  of  the  less  favored  classes.  Neither 
did  his  followers  anywhere  pose  as  social  reformers. 
Wherever  Buddhism  has  prevailed,  the  caste-system 
has  not  been  abolished.  On  the  contrary,  the  later 
Buddhist  scriptures  imply  the  permanence  of  castes, 
for  it  is  laid  down  as  a  principle  that  a  Buddha  is 
never  to  be  born  into  a  family  of  the  peasant  or 
servile  caste,  but  only  as  a  warrior  or  as  a  Brahman.^ 

Let   us  now  look  more  closely  into   the  mode  of 
life  which  Buddha  prescribed  for  his  followers. 

Before  being  admitted  to  the  full  privileges  of  the 
Sang/ia,  or  order  of  monks,  the  members  had  to  pass 
through  a  period  of  probation  as  novices.  Although, 
as  has  been  said,  men  of  every  station  in  life  could 
present  themselves  as  novices,  yet  those  alone  were 
accepted  who  were  free  from  certain  disqualifica- 
tions. Thus,  confirmed  criminals  were  debarred, 
men  afflicted  with  serious  deformities  and  diseases, 
debtors,  slaves,  soldiers  whose  term  of  service  was 
not  yet  ended,  sons  whose  parents  had  not  given 
their  consent.  As  a  rule,  the  novice  had  to  be  at 
least  fifteen  years  old  (from  the  time  of  conception), 
but  exceptions  were  sometimes  made  in  favor  of 
children  only  twelve  years  of  age.^ 

1  Cf.  Foucaux,  Lalita  Vistara,  p.  21;  Warren,  Buddhisviin  Trans- 
lations, p.  41. 

2  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  204. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        1 1  5 

The  ceremony  of  reception  was  simple.  No  ab- 
juration of  previous  religious  belief  was  required. 
Having  cut  off  his  hair  and  beard,  and  having  put 
on  the  yellow  robes  peculiar  to  the  order,  he  squatted 
at  the  feet  of  the  monks,  and,  with  hands  joined  above 
his  head,  recited  three  times  the  Buddhist  formula  of 
faith:  "I  take  my  refuge  in  Buddha,  I  take  my 
refuge  in  the  Law  [Dhamma]  ;  I  take  my  refuge  in 
the  Order  [Sangha]."^ 

He  then  chose  as  preceptor  a  worthy  monk  of  at 
least  ten  years'  standing,  and  served  under  him  till 
his  novitiate  was  ended.  The  shortest  term  of  pro- 
bation was  four  months. 

From  the  beginning  the  novice  had  to  observe  the 
ten  precepts  exacted  of  every  Buddhist  monk,  namely, 
to  abstain  from  destroying  every  form  of  life,  from 
stealing,  from  unchaste  indulgence,  from  lying,  from 
strong  drink,  from  eating  at  forbidden  times,  from 
dancing  or  singing,  from  the  use  of  perfumes,  oint- 
ments and  flowers,  from  the  use  of  high  and  broad 
beds,  from  accepting  gold  or  silver.^ 

The  ceremony  by  which  the  novice  was  received 
into  full  membership  was  somewhat  more  solemn. 
Having  satisfactorily  spent  the  period  of  probation, 
and  being  at  least  twenty  years  old,  he  appeared 
with    his   preceptor   before    the    assembled    monks.^ 

1  s.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  115.  2  7/,/^.  p.  311. 

3  It  was  the  rule  that  at  least  ten  monks  should  assist  at  the  rite 
of  ordination,  but  in  remote  districts  four  were  declared  sufficient. 
S.  B.  E.  XVII.  pp.  33  and  38. 


1 1 6  Buddhism 

He  adjusted  his  robe  so  as  to  cover  one  shoulder, 
and,  squatting  at  their  feet,  with  his  hands  joined  over 
his  head,  recited  three  times  the  formula  of  refuge 
in  Buddha,  Dhamma,  and  Sangha. 

He   was    then    asked  the    following   questions,    to 
which  a  truthful  answer  had  to  be  given  :  — 

"  Are  you  afflicted  with  the  following  diseases  :  leprosy, 
boils,  dry  leprosy,    consumption,  and  fits  ? 
"  Are  you  a  man  ? 
"  Are  you  a  male  ? 
"  Are  you  a  freeman  ? 
"  Have  you  no  debts? 
"  Are  you  not  in  the  royal  service  ? 
"  Have  your  father  and  mother  given  their  consent? 
"  Are  you  full  twenty  years  old  ? 
"  Are  your  alms-bowl  and  your  robes  in  due  state  ? 
"  What  is  your  name  ? 
"  What  is  your  preceptor's  name  ?  "  ^ 

If  the  answers  were  satisfactory,  the  preceptor 
turned  to  his  assembled  brethren,  announced  the 
worthiness  of  the  candidate,  and  then  three  times 
asked  them  to  show  their  approval  by  silence  or  their 
disapproval  by  speaking.  If,  after  the  third  request, 
no  objection  was  raised,  the  candidate  was  declared  a 
full  member  of  the  order.  The  mode  of  life  to  which 
he  had  to  conform  was  then  briefly  rehearsed  to  him, 
and  he  was  reminded  of  the  four  great  prohibitions, 
whose  violation  brought  expulsion  from  the  order. 
They  were  (i)  to  avoid  every  form  of  sexual  indul- 

1  .S".  .5".  E.  XIII.  p.  230. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        117 

gence;  (2)  to  take  nothing  but  what  was  given  to 
him,  not  even  a  blade  of  grass;  (3)  not  to  deprive 
any  creature  of  Hfe,  even  a  worm  or  an  ant ;  (4)  not 
to  boast  of  any  superhuman  perfection.-^ 

In  thus  becoming  a  member  of  the  order,  the 
monk  did  not  bind  himself  by  any  vows.  If  after  a 
time  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  not  suited 
to  the  severe  life  he  had  adopted,  he  was  free  to 
withdraw  from  the  order  and  to  go  back  to  the  world. 
Sometimes  after  returning  to  a  worldly  life,  he  re- 
pented and  again  sought  admission  into  the  order. 
Such  admission  was  very  rarely  refused. 

The  asceticism  which  Buddha  demanded  of  his 
followers,  while  not  of  extreme  rigor,  was  what  we 
should  call  severe.  Each  member  was  allowed  but 
one  set  of  garments,  which  had  to  be  of  yellow  color 
and  of  cheap  quality.  They  consisted  of  a  piece  of 
cloth  encircling  the  waist  and  falling  below  the  knees, 
of  an  upper  garment  covering  the  back  and  breast, 
and  of  an  outer  robe.  These,  together  with  his 
sleeping-mat,  razor,  needle,  water-strainer,  and  alms- 
bowl,  constituted  the  sum  of  his  worldly  possessions. 
His  single  meal,  which  had  to  be  taken  before  noon, 
consisted  chiefly  of  bread,  rice,  and  curry,  which  he 
gathered  daily  in  his  alms-bowl  by  begging  from  door 
to  door.  Water  or  rice-milk  was  his  customary  drink, 
wine  and  other  intoxicants  being  rigorously  forbid- 
den,   even  as  medicine.     Meat,  fish,   and    delicacies 

^  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  pp.  3-16-351. 


Ii8  Buddhism 

were  rarely  eaten,  except  in  sickness  or  when  the 
monk  dined  by  invitation  with  some  patron.  "  What- 
soever Bhikkhu,"  runs  a  Vinaya  text,  "  when  he  is  not 
sick,  shall  request  for  his  own  use,  and  shall  partake 
of  delicacies,  —  ghee,  butter,  oil,  honey,  molasses, 
fish,  flesh,  milk,  curds,  —  that  is  a  Pakittiya  "  (/.  t'.,  an 
offence  requiring  a  penance),^ 

During  the  day  he  had  to  stand  or  sit  upright  with 
legs  crossed.  Only  at  night  could  he  lie  down,  but 
not  on  a  high  or  broad  bed.  He  was  forbidden  not 
only  to  use  wreaths,  ornaments,  and  perfumes,  but 
also  to  take  part  in  worldly  amusements.  Among 
the  latter  were  included  many  that  seem  innocent 
enough  to  our  degenerate  minds,  as  the  following 
interesting  passage  from  the  Tcvijja  Sittta  makes 
known : — 

"  Whereas  some  Samana-Brahmans  -  who  live  on  the  food 
provided  by  the  faithful,  continue  addicted  to  occupying 
their  time  with  games  detrimental  to  their  progress  in  virtue  : 
that  is  to  say,  with  a  board  of  sixty-four  squares,  or  of 
one  hundred  squares  ;  tossing  up  ;  hopping  over  diagrams 
formed  on  the  ground ;  removing  substances  from  a  heap 
without  shaking  the  remainder ;  dicing ;  trap-ball ;  sketch- 
ing rude  figures  ;  tossing  balls  ;  blowing  trumpets ;  plough- 
ing matches  ;  tumbling  ;  forming  mimic  wind-mills  ;  guessing 
at  measures  ;  chariot  races  ;  archery  ;  shooting  marbles  from 
the  fingers  ;  guessing  other  people's  thoughts  ;  and  mimick- 
ing other  people's  acts  ;  he,  on  the  other  hand,  refrains  from 
such  games  detrimental  to  virtue."  ^ 

1  ^.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  40.  2  Brahman  ascetics. 

3  S.  B.  E.  XI.  p.  193. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        119 

At  first,  the  monks  lived  in  temporary  shelters  of 
the  rudest  kind ;  for  except  during  the  rainy  season 
(from  the  middle  of  June  to  the  middle  of  October) 
they  were  constantly  moving  from  place  to  place. 
In  course  of  time,  parks  and  gardens  were  made  over 
to  them,  and  there  they  erected  solid  and  permanent 
clusters  of  cells.  Cloisters  were  thus  formed,  called 
viJiaras,  but  the  furnishings  were  of  a  very  simple 
kind.  Some  of  these  viharas  were  provided  with 
hot-air  baths. ^ 

We  note  with  pleasure  that  Buddhist  asceticism 
was  characterized  by  a  scrupulous  regard  for  cleanli- 
ness. Dirt  and  foul  smells  formed  no  part  of  Bud- 
dhist sanctity.  Every  member  of  the  community  was 
expected  to  bathe  once  a  fortnight,  and  to  keep  his 
garments,  sleeping-mat,  alms-bowl,  and  cell  in  neat 
condition.^ 

The  life  which  Buddha  felt  to  be  alone  suited  to 
the  pursuit  of  Nirvana  w^as  one,  as  we  have  already 
noted,  not  of  active  participation  in  the  world,  but 
of  quiet  solitude  and  contemplation.  For  this  reason, 
his  followers,  like  the  Brahman  ascetics,  were  not 
allowed  to  live  in  the  villages  and  towns,  but  only  on 
the  outskirts.  They  were  not  even  to  visit  the  towns, 
except  in  the  early  morning,  when  they  went  in  quest 
of  alms. 

Contact  with  worldly  life  was  felt  to  be  a  source  of 

1  s.  B.  E.  XX.  p.  103. 

^  Ibid.  XIII.  pp.  44,  157-160;  XX.  pp.  295-296. 


1 20  Buddhism 

danger  for  one  who  was  striving  after  Buddhist  per- 
fection. Hence,  in  his  dailv  rounds  through  the  vil- 
lage,  he  had  to  observe  the  greatest  precaution.  "  As 
one  who  has  no  shoes,  walks  over  thorny  ground, 
watchfully  picking  his  steps,  so  let  the  wise  man  walk 
in  the  village."  ^  With  sober  gait  and  with  eyes 
modestly  cast  on  the  ground,  he  proceeded  from  door 
to  door,  holding  out  his  bowl  in  silence  and  receiving 
the  alms  without  looking  on  the  face  of  the  giver. 
As  soon  as  his  bowl  was  filled,  he  made  his  way  back 
to  the  convent.  He  was  then  expected  to  examine 
his  conscience  to  see  if  his  visit  to  the  villasfe  was 
free  from  blame. 

"  A  monk,  Sariputta,"  Buddha  is  reported  as  saying, 
''  must  thus  reflect :  '  On  my  way  to  the  village,  when  I  was 
going  to  collect  alms,  and  in  the  places  where  I  collected 
alms,  and  on  my  way  back  from  the  village,  have  I  in  the 
forms  which  the  eye  perceives,  the  sounds  which  the  ear 
perceives,  .  .  .  experienced  pleasure,  or  desire,  or  hatred, 
or  distraction,  or  anger  in  my  mind? '  If  so,  then  must  this 
monk,  O  Sariputta,  endeavor  to  become  free  from  these  evil, 
treacherous  emotions.  But  if  the  monk,  O  Sariputta,  who 
submits  himself  to  this  test  finds :  '  I  have  not  experienced 
pleasure,  or  desire,  or  hatred,  or  distraction,  or  anger,'  then 
should  he  be  glad  and  rejoice.  Happy  the  man  who  has 
long  accustomed  his  mind  to  good."  ^ 

Among  the  seductive  influences  of  the  world  against 
which  the  true  follower  of  Buddha  had  to  guard  him- 
self with  utmost  vigilance,  was  association  with  women. 

^  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  p.  307.  2  Jhid. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        121 

He  was  forbidden  to  converse  alone  with  a  woman, 
however  respectable,  and  all  communication  with 
women  was  to  be  avoided  as  far  as  possible.  Char- 
acteristic is  the  advice  which  Buddha  gave  Ananda 
on  this  subject:  "  How  are  we  to  conduct  ourselves, 
Lord,  with  regard  to  womanhood?"  "Don't  see 
them,  Ananda."  "  But  if  we  should  see  them,  what  are 
we  to  do?  "  "  Abstain  from  speech,  Ananda."  "  But 
if  they  should  speak  to  us.  Lord,  what  are  we  to  do?  " 
"  Keep  wide  awake,  Ananda."  ^ 

As  a  further  aid  to  correctness  of  conduct,  a  public 
examination  and  confession  of  faults  took  place  every 
fortnight,  on  the  days  of  the  new  and  full  moon.  At 
this  ceremony,  known  as  the  Patimokklia  (the  unbur- 
dening), all  the  monks  of  the  locality  had  to  be  pres- 
ent. The  meeting  was  held  at  evening,  and  the  most 
venerable  monk  of  the  community  presided.  Having 
solemnly  announced  the  purpose  of  the  meeting,  he 
proceeded  to  enumerate  the  various  kinds  of  offences 
which  it  was  the  duty  of  every  monk  to  avoid.  This 
list  of  sins,  subject,  doubtless,  in  the  beginning  to 
constant  variations,  became  in  course  of  time  a  ster- 
eotyped formula,  a  sort  of  liturgical  rite,  which  had 
to  be  strictly  observed.^  It  was  divided  into  several 
classes  of  offences,  beginning  with  the  class  of  trans- 
gressions that  entailed  expulsion  from  the  order,  and 

^  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  v.  23.  —  ^.  B.  E.  XL  p.  91.  Here  again 
the  Buddhist  joins  hands  witli  the  Brahman. 

2  This  Patimokkha  formula  may  be  found  in  the  first  part  of  Vol. 
XIII.  6-.  B.  E. 


122  Buddhism 

proceeding  to  others  of  less  and  less  consequence. 
After  enumerating  the  sins  comprised  in  each  class, 
the  presiding  monk  put  three  times  to  the  assembly 
this  question :  "  Venerable  Sirs,  are  you  pure  in  this 
matter?  "  If  no  one  spoke,  it  was  understood  that  all 
present  were  guiltless.  If  a  monk  confessed  himself 
guilty  of  some  one  of  the  offences  enumerated,  a  pen- 
alty proportionate  to  the  seriousness  of  the  offence 
was  laid  upon  him. 

Such  was  the  Patimokkha  in  its  original  form.  But 
later  on,  the  confession  of  faults  was  exacted  of  the 
monk  outside  the  Patimokkha.  A  monk,  guilty  of 
some  offence,  was  expected  to  confess  it  to  a  brother 
monk  that  very  day,  and  to  receive  the  fitting  pen- 
ance. Every  day's  delay  in  confessing  increased  his 
guilt  and  called  for  a  greater  penance.  It  was  only 
after  thus  unburdening  his  conscience  by  private 
confession  of  guilt,  that  he  had  the  right  to  be  present 
at  the  Patimokkha.^ 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  Buddhist  confession 
had  nothing  of  a  sacramental  character.  Again, 
only  external  offences  had  to  be  confessed,  and  of 
these  the  majority  were  infringements  of  community 
rules. 

Another  ceremony  having  a  similar  end   in  view 

was  the  public  accusation  of  faults  known  as  the  Pa- 

varana  (invitation).     During  a  period  of  three  months, 

beginning  with  June  or  July,  —  the  rainy  season,  called 

1  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XX.  p.  409. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha         123 

Vassa,  —  the  monks  were  forbidden  to  travel,  and  had 
to  reside  together  at  their  various  monasteries,  spend- 
ing the  time  in  quiet  contemplation.  At  the  end  of 
this  period,  before  setting  out  again  on  their  wander- 
ings, the  monks  met  in  solemn  assembly,  and  each 
one  in  turn,  raising  his  clasped  hands,  asked  to  be 
reminded  of  any  faults  of  his  committed  during  the 
rainy  season  that  his  fellow-monks  had  observed. 
"  Reverend  Sirs,"  the  formula  ran,  "  I  invite  the  or- 
der, if  ye  have  seen  anything  on  my  part,  or  have 
heard  anything,  or  have  any  suspicion  about  me,  have 
pity  on  me,  Reverend  Sirs,  and  speak.  If  I  see  it,  I 
shall  atone  for  it."  ^ 

This  necessity  of  making  known  and  atoning  for 
external  offences  was,  doubtless,  of  great  efficacy  in 
securing  that  observance  of  outward  decorum  which 
Buddha  demanded  of  his  followers. 

But  mere  outward  observance  of  the  rules  of  the 
order  was  not  enough.  To  enable  the  members  to 
assimilate  the  true  spirit  of  the  order,  to  advance  in- 
teriorly towards  the  perfection  of  Nirvana,  the  practice 
of  profound  meditation  was  enjoined.     This  practice 

—  the  counterpart  of  the  j'o^a  of  the  Brahman  ascetic 

—  was  adopted  by  the  monks  with  very  unequal  de- 
grees of  success.  One  of  the  surest  marks  of  perfec- 
tion and  of  ripeness  for  entering  into  Nirvana  was  the 
aptitude  for  sinking  one's  self  into  abstract  meditation, 
in  which   the   monk,  regardless  of  everything  about 

1  Oldenberg,  Op.  cit.  pp.  374-375.     Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  329. 


1 24  Buddhism 

him,  concentrated  his  mind  on  the  unconditioned 
state  of  Nirvana.  There  were  certain  rules  for  bring- 
ing on  this  meditative  condition  of  soul.  Selecting 
some  quiet  spot,  the  monk  would  sit  with  crossed 
legs,  erect  and  motionless,  dwelling  on  more  and  more 
abstract  subjects,  till  often  he  sank  into  a  trance.  In 
this  morbid  state,  various  hallucinations,  mistaken  for 
realities,  would  affect  his  mind.  He  saw  heavenly- 
visions  and  heard  heavenly  sounds.  He  peered  into 
the  remote  past  and  future,  saw  what  was  happen- 
ing in  distant  places,  and  read  the  thoughts  of 
others. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  object  of  Buddha's  monastic 
system  was  to  lead  men  to  a  state  of  perfection  which 
at  death  would  secure  their  entrance  into  Nirvana. 
But  not  all  the  members  of  his  order  attained  in  their 
lifetime  to  this  ideal  state  of  perfection.  Only  some 
of  them  succeeded  in  becoming  arhats,  i.  e.,  perfect 
ones,  free  from  all  rebirth  and  destined  at  death  to 
enter  into  Nirvana.  Others  attained  to  a  degree  of 
holiness  which  destined  them  to  a  new  life  with  the 
gods  in  heaven,  to  end  by  absorption  into  Nirvana. 
Others  were  destined  to  reach  the  desired  goal  only 
after  another  life  on  earth.^  But  the  more  worldly 
monks  were  under  the  necessity  of  being  reborn 
a  number  of  times  before  they  could  hope  to  acquire 
perfection.  The  Buddhist  records  show  that  worldly, 
even  vicious,  monks  were  by  no  means  unconmion, 
1  S.  B.  E.  XI.  pp.  25-26. 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        125 

and  that  the  peace  of  the  community  was  often  dis- 
turbed by  them.^ 

It  seems  to  have  been  Buddha's  original  intention 
to  confine  his  monastic  system  to  men.  But,  yielding 
to  entreaties,  he  established  a  supplementary  order  of 
nuns  (Bhikkhunis).  These  communities  of  nuns, 
while  living  in  the  vicinity  of  the  monks,  were 
entirely  separated  from  them.  The  strictest  rules 
regulated  the  relations  of  the  one  with  the  other. 
A  monk  was  forbidden  to  converse  alone  with  a 
nun ;  they  could  not  travel  together.  Only  the 
monk  especially  appointed  for  the  purpose  could 
preach  to  them,  and  then  it  was  not  in  their  place 
of  habitation,  but  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  mon- 
astery, where  the  presence  of  a  second  monk  was 
required. 

The  status  of  the  nun  was  much  inferior  in  dignity 
to  that  of  the  monk.  "  A  Bhikkhuni,"  runs  one  of 
their  eight  rules,  "  even  if  of  a  hundred  years'  stand- 
ing, shall  make  a  salutation  to,  shall  rise  up  in  the 
presence  of,  shall  bow  down  before,  and  shall  perform 
all  proper  duties  towards,  a  Bhikkhu,  if  only  just 
initiated.  This  is  a  rule  to  be  revered  and  rever- 
enced, honored  and  observed,  and  during  her  long 
life  never  to  be  transgressed."  ^ 

1  These  disturbers  of  the  peace  were  generally  designated  as  the 
Khabbaggiya  Bhikkhus,  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XVII.  pp.  343-344,  347  ff.;  XX. 
pp.  147,  296. 

2  .S".  B.  E.  XX.  pp.  322-123. 


126  Buddhism 

A  nun  was  never  allowed  to  reprove  a  monk  for 
any  misdemeanor,  while  the  monk  had  always  the 
right  to  admonish  an  erring  nun. 

They  had  to  conform  to  the  same  rule  of  life  as 
that  prescribed  for  monks,  living  on  alms,  and  lead- 
ing a  life  of  retirement  and  contemplation.  They 
were  never  so  numerous  as  the  monks,  and  became 
a  very  insignificant  fraction  of  the  Sangha  as  time 
went  on. 

Strictly  speaking,  Buddha's  order  was  composed 
only  of  those  who  had  renounced  the  world  and  given 
proof  of  their  purpose  to  live  a  life  of  contemplation 
as  monks  and  nuns.  But  the  very  character  of  their 
life  made  them  dependent  for  their  subsistence  on  the 
charity  of  men  and  women  who  preferred  to  live  in 
the  world  and  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  the  household 
state.  Those  who  thus  sympathized  with  the  order 
and  helped  to  contribute  to  its  support,  formed  the 
lay  element  in  Buddhism.  These  lay  associates  were 
called  tipasakas,  if  men,  and  upasikas,  if  women. 
Not  being  monks  or  nuns,  they  could  not  hope  to 
attain  to  Nirvana  at  the  end  of  the  present  life.  But 
through  their  association  with  the  order,  and  their 
acts  of  beneficence  to  it,  they  could  ensure  for  them- 
selves a  happy  rebirth  in  the  traditional  swarga  or 
heaven,  with  the  additional  prospect  of  being  able 
at  some  future  birth  to  attain  to  Nirvana  if  they  so 
desired.  The  majority,  however,  did  not  share  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  Buddhist  arhat  for  Nirvana,  being 


The  Buddhist  Order,  Sangha        i  27 

•  quite  content  to   look   forward   to  a  life  of  positive, 
though  impermanent,  delights  in  heaven.^ 

To  become  a  upasaka,  no  rite  of  initiation  was  re- 
quired beyond  the  simple  declaration  before  a  monk 
of  refuge  in  Buddha,  the  Law,  and  the  Order.  There 
was  no  obligation  of  renouncing  the  various  popular 
forms  of  worship.  To  contribute  to  the  support  of 
the  order  was  their  chief  duty  and  their  privilege  as 
well.  They  supplied  the  monks  and  nuns  with  food, 
clothing,  and  medicine.  They  vied  with  one  another 
in  having  the  monks  dine  with  them  at  their  homes. 
The  more  wealthy  donated  parks,  and  stood  the 
expense  of  building  suitable  cloisters.  In  return, 
the  monks  gladdened  them  with  religious  discourses 
and  assured  them  of  abundant  rewards  for  their 
beneficence. 

"  Whatsoever  woman  upright  in  life,  a  disciple  of  the 
Happy  One,  gives,  glad  at  heart  and  overcoming  avarice, 
both  food  and  drink  —  a  heavenly  life  does  she  obtain  ; 
entering  on  the  path  that  is  free  from  corruption  and  im- 
purity, aiming  at  good,  happy  does  she  become  and  free  from 
sickness,  and  long  does  she  rejoice  in  a  heavenly  body."  ^ 

These  lay  brethren  w^ere  exhorted  to  observe 
chastity  in  keeping  with  their  state  of  life,  to  avoid 

^  This  accounts  for  the  frequent  reference  to  heaven,  and  the 
apparent  ignoring  of  Nirvana  in  the  inscriptions  of  Asol<a,  a  fact 
wrongly  taken  by  Senart  to  imply  that  the  speculations  on  Nirvana 
were  unknown  in  Asoka's  day.     Cf.  Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  II. 

P-  3-3- 

^  Mahavagga,  viii.  15,  14. — S.  B.  E.  XVII.  p.  225. 


128  Buddhism 

lying,  stealing,  the  use  of  intoxicants,  and  the  taking 
of  life,  even  that  of  animals.  But  failure  to  conform 
to  these  precepts  of  moral  conduct  did  not,  except 
in  very  flagrant  instances,  prevent  them  from  enjoy- 
ing friendly  relations  with  the  order.  But  it  was 
otherwise  with  those  who  reviled  and  slandered  the 
monks  or  their  revered  founder,  or  who  openly  re- 
jected any  point  of  Buddha's  teaching.  They  were 
cut  ofif  from  all  association  with  the  monks.  Their 
invitations  to  dine  out  were  refused,  and  the  alms- 
bowl  was  turned  down  in  their  presence.  But  if  they 
apologized  for  their  offensive  conduct,  they  were  re- 
instated in  the  good-will  of  the  order. 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE   HISTORY   OF   BUDDHISM 

Religious  Developments — The  existence  of  the  Brahman  gods 
recognized  in  primitive  Buddhism,  but  man's  dependence  on 
them  denied  —  Hence  no  rites  of  worship  —  Devotion  to  the 
gods  tolerated  in  the  Buddhist  layman — Rise  of  religious  rites 
after  Buddha's  death  —  Veneration  of  his  relics,  stupas,  and 
statues  :  pilgrimages,  processions,  and  festivals  —  Worship  of  the 
Buddha  to  come,  Metteyya — Divinization  of  Gotama  Buddha  as 
the  Adi-Buddha  —  The  Bodhisattvas  —  Mahayanaand  Hinayana  — 
The  Growth  of  Buddhism  —  The  dubious  councils  of  Rajagriha 
and  Vaisali  —  Asoka —  His  rock-inscriptions —  His  zeal  for  Bud- 
dhism —  Unreliable  traditions,  especially  concerning  Mahinda  and 
the  council  of  Patna — The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  Ceylon 

—  The  evangelization  of  Kashmir,  Gandhara,  and  Bactria  — 
King  Menander — King  Kanishka  —  The  council  of  Kashmir  — 
The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  China  —  Chinese  pilgrims  :  Fa 
Hien  and  Hiouen  Thsang  —  The  character  of  Chinese  Buddhism 

—  Mito  and  Fousa  Kwanyin — The  introduction  of  Buddhism 
into  Tibet — The  character  of  Lamaism  —  Resemblances  to  cer- 
tain features  of  Catholicism  —  The  spread  of  Buddhism  over 
Southern  Asia  —  The  decline  of  Buddhism  in  India  —  The  number 
of  Buddhists  greatly  exaggerated. 

IT  may  appear  strange  that  in  our  survey  of  Bud- 
dhism no  account  has  been  taken  of  rehgious  duties 
and  practices.  But  the  fact  is  that  rehgious  duties, 
in  the  strict  sense,  form  no  part  of  Buddha's  teaching. 
For  the  attainment  of  Nirvana,  reh'gious   rites  were 

9 


130  Buddhism 

accounted  of  no  avail,  just  as  in  pantheistic  Brahman- 
ism  they  were  held  to  be  useless  for  securing  absorp- 
tion into  Brahman.  But  while  the  pantheist  clung  to 
the  Vedas,  and  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  Vedic 
worship  as  a  preparatiori  for  the  higher  religion, 
Buddha,  with  greater  consistency,  rejected  both  the 
Vedas  and  the  Vedic  rites. 

Buddha  was  not  an  atheist  in  the  sense  that  he 
denied  the  existence  of  the  gods.  Nor  can  he  be 
called  an  agnostic.  To  him  the  gods  were  living 
realities.  In  his  alleged  sayings,  as  in  the  Buddhist 
scriptures  generally,  the  gods  are  often  mentioned 
and  always  with  respect.^  But  like  the  pantheistic 
Brahman,  he  did  not  acknowledge  his  dependence  on 
them.  They  were  held  to  be  subject  like  men  to 
karma  and  rebirth.  The  god  of  to-day  might  be 
reborn  in  the  future  in  some  inferior  condition,  while 
a  man  of  virtuous  conduct  might  succeed  in  raising 
himself  in  his  next  birth  to  the  rank  of  a  god  in 
heaven.  The  very  gods,  then,  no  less  than  men,  had 
need  of  that  perfect  wisdom  that  leads  to  Nirvana,  and 
hence  it  was  idle  to  pray  or  sacrifice  to  them  in  the  hope 
of  obtaining  the  boon  which  they  themselves  did  not 
possess.  They  were  even  inferior  to  Buddha,  since  he 
had  already  attained  to  Nirvana.  In  like  manner, 
they  who  followed  in  Buddha's  footsteps  had  no  need 
of  worshipping  the  gods  by  prayers  and  offerings. 

1  One  of  the   names  of  the  famous  Buddhist  king,  Asoka,  was 
Devanampiya  (dear  to  the  gods). 


History  of  Buddhism  131 

On  the  other  hand,  much  as  Buddha  felt  hitnsclf 
above  the  need  of  Brahman  rites,  he  looked  with 
indifference,  if  not  with  complacency,  on  the  worship 
of  the  gods  by  those  who  still  clung  to  the  delusion 
of  individual  existence,  and  preferred  the  household 
to  the  homeless  state.  For  souls  like  these,  gifts  to 
the  gods  were  after  all  not  wholly  in  vain,  since  it  lay 
in  the  power  of  the  grateful  deities  to  confer  benefits 
in  return.  This  view  finds  expression  in  the  seem- 
ingly incongruous  words  that  Buddha  is  said  to  have 
addressed  to  two  high  officials  of  Magadha:  — 

"  Wheresoe'er  the  prudent  man  shall  take  up  his  abode, 
Let  him  support  there  good  and  upright  men  of  self-control. 
Let  him  give  gifts  to  all  such  deities  as  may  be  there. 
Revered,  they  will  revere  him ;  honored,  they  will  honor  him 

again  ; 
Are  gracious  to  him,  as  a  mother  to  her  one,  her  only  son. 
And  the  man  who  has  the  grace  of  the  gods,  good  fortune 

he  beholds."  ^ 

Bloody  sacrifices  were  abominated  by  Buddha 
because  they  involved  the  killing  of  living  things ; 
but  how  far  he  was  from  setting  himself  in  bitter 
antagonism  to  other  features  of  Brahman  worship,  is 
shown  by  the  benediction  he  pronounced  on  Keniya, 
the  Brahman  ascetic,  in  which  he  praises  the  tran- 
scendent excellence  of  his  own  religion  without  dis- 
paraging that  of  his  host. 

1  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  i.  31.  —  S.  B.  E.  XI.  p.  20. 


132  Buddhism 

"  Of  the  offerings,  the  fire  sacrifice  is  the  chief,  of  sacred 

verses,  the  chief  is  the  Savitthi ;  ^ 
"Among  men  the  king  is  chief,  and  of  waters  the  ocean; 
Of  constellations  the  moon  is  chief,  and  of  heat-givers  the 

sun  ; 
But    of   them,  the  conquering  ones,  who  long   after  good, 

the  Sangha  verily  is  chief."  " 

But  while  worship  of  the  gods  was  tolerated  in  the 
Buddhist  layman,  it  was  not  inculcated  as  a  duty. 
It  was  rather  discouraged  indirectly  by  the  inferior 
degree  to  which  it  was  assigned  in  the  scale  of  meri- 
torious works.  Virtuous  conduct  and  loyal  devotion 
to  the  Sangha,  were  taught  to  be  of  incomparably 
greater  value  than  religious  rites. 

"  If  a  man  for  a  hundred  years  sacrifice  month  after 
month  with  a  thousand,  and  if  he  but  for  one  moment  pay 
homage  to  a  man  whose  soul  is  grounded  [in  true  know- 
ledge], better  is  that  homage,  than  a  sacrifice  for  a  hundred 
years."  ^ 

Benefits  derived  from  the  worship  of  the  gods 
were  at  best  but  fleeting.  They  were  not  to  be 
esteemed  by  the  monks  and  nuns,  who  set  their  hearts 
on  Nirvana. 

This  lack  of  all  religious  rites  in  the  order  was  not 
keenly  felt  in  the  presence  of  their  venerable  founder. 
Their  intense  devotion  to  him  took  the  place  of 
religious   fervor.     But   he  was  not  long  dead  when 

1  Pali  form  of  Sanskrit  word  Savitri. 

2  Mahavagi^m,  vi.  35,  Z.—S.  B.  E.  XVII.  p.  134. 

3  Dhatnmapada,  106. 


History  of  Buddhism  133 

this  very  devotion  to  Buddha  began  to  assume  the 
form  of  religious  worship.  His  reputed  reHcs,  con- 
sisting of  his  bones,  teeth,  alms-bowl,  cremation- 
vessel,  and  ashes  from  the  funeral  pyre,  found  their 
way  to  the  chief  cities  of  India,  and,  being  enclosed 
in  dome-shaped  mounds,  called  dagobas,  chaityas, 
topes,  or  stupas,  were  honored  with  offerings  of 
lights,  flowers,  and  perfumes.  This  was  represented 
to  be  in  accordance  with  a  provision  of  Buddha 
himself. 

"  At  the  four  cross-roads,  a  dagoba  should  be  erected  to 
the  Tathagata.  And  whosoever  shall  there  place  garlands, 
or  perfumes,  or  paint,  or  make  a  salutation  there,  or  become 
in  its  presence  calm  in  heart,  that  shall  long  be  to  them  a 
profit  and  a  joy."  ^ 

Likewise,  the  places  of  his  birth,  supreme  enlight- 
enment, first  preaching,  and  death  were  accounted 
especially  sacred,  and  became  the  objects  of  pious 
pilgrimages,  and  the  occasion  of  recurring  festivals. 
To  give  these  rites  a  greater  dignity  and  importance, 
the  dying  Buddha  is  alleged  to  have  been  himself 
their  author.  It  is  he  who  reminds  Ananda  of  the 
four  places  to  be  visited  with  feelings  of  reverence 
and  awe,  and  says :  — 

"  And  there  will  come,  Ananda,  to  such  spots,  believers, 
brethren  and  sisters  of  the  order,  devout  men  and  devout 
women,  and  will  say,  '  Here  was  the  Tathagata  born,'  or, 

1  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  v.  26. 


134  Buddhism 

'  Here  did  the  Tathagata  attain  to  the  supreme  and  perfect 
insight,'  or,  '  Here  was  the  Kingdom  of  righteousness  set  on 
foot  by  the  Tathagata,'  or,  '  Here  the  Tathagata  passed  away 
in  that  utter  passing  away  which  leaves  nothing  whatever  to 
remain  behind.' 

"  And  they,  Ananda,  who  shall  die  while  they  with  be- 
lieving heart  are  journeying  on  such  pilgrimage,  shall  be 
reborn  after  death,  when  the  body  shall  resolve,  in  the 
happy  realms  of  heaven."  ^ 

Of  these  places  of  pilgrimage,  the  most  sacred 
and  the  most  popular  was  the  spot  where  he  attained 
to  perfect  enlightenment  under  the  Bodhi-tree.  This 
tree,  a  pipala  or  variety  of  the  fig-tree,  became  the 
object  of  extravagant  veneration. 

Besides  these,  pictures  and  statues  of  Buddha 
came  into  vogue,  and  were  multiplied  on  every  side. 
Offerings  were  made  to  them  of  lights,  flowers,  and 
perfumes.  Festivals  were  instituted  at  which  statues 
of  Buddha  were  carried  about  in  solemn  procession.^ 

But  the  craving  for  religious  worship  was  not  yet 
satisfied.  Buddha,  having  entered  into  Nirvana, 
could  not  be  conscious  of  the  religious  honors  that 
were  heaped  upon  him.  The  need  was  felt  of  a 
living  personality  worthy  of  religious  veneration, 
and  at  the  same  time  sensible  of  the  honors  paid  to 

1  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  v.  16-22. 

2  The  fifth  Girnar  edict  of  Asoka  refers  to  religious  processions. 
Cf.  Senart,  Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  I.  p.  113.  A  veiT  good 
account  of  Buddha's  relics  and  other  objects  of  veneration  is  given 
by  K.  F.  Koppen,  Die  Religion  des  Buddha,  I.  pp.  516  ff. 


History  of  Buddhism  135 

him.  Such  a  personality  was  brought  to  Hght  by 
the  later  speculations  of  Buddhist  monks.  This  was 
Metteyya,-^  the  loving  one,  now  living  happily  as  a 
Bodhisattva  in  heaven,  but  destined  in  the  remote 
future  to  become  a  Buddha,  and  again  to  set  in 
motion  the  wheel  of  the  law.  For  the  religion 
founded  by  Gotama  Buddha  was  not  destined  to 
persist  for  all  time.  In  this  world-age,  three  Buddhas 
had  preceded  him  at  long  intervals  of  time,  and  the 
teachings  of  each  had  after  a  while  utterly  vanished 
from  the  minds  of  men.  So  in  like  manner  his 
order  was  destined  to  last  only  five  hundred  years.^ 
Then  would  ensue  a  long  reign  of  darkness  and 
ignorance  till  Metteyya,  the  fifth  and  last  Buddha, 
would  appear  and  renew  the  work  of  salvation.  To 
this  Metteyya  in  heaven,  the  Buddhists  turned  as 
the  living  object  of  worship  of  which  they  had  so 
long  felt  the  need,  and  they  paid  him  religious 
homage  as  the  future  saviour  of  the  world. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  religious  worship 
observed  by  those  who  departed  the  least  from 
Buddha's  teachings.  It  is  what  we  find  to-day  in 
the  so-called  Southern  Buddhism,  as  held  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Ceylon,  Burma,  and  Siam. 

But  even    devotion   to  the  Bodhisattva    Metteyya 

1  Sanskrit,  Maitreya. 

2  It  would  have  lasted  a  thousand  years,  had  not  the  disciples 
prevailed  upon  Buddha  to  admit  women  to  membership  in  the 
order.     Chullavagga,  x.  i,  6.  — S.  B.  E.  XX.  p.  325. 


136  Buddhism 

failed  in  the  long  run  to  give  satisfaction  to  the 
majority  of  Buddhist  believers.  The  idea  of  Brah- 
man, the  eternal  lord  of  gods  and  men,  came  to  be 
transferred  to  Buddha  himself.  To  reconcile  the 
contradiction  between  this  conception  and  the  Buddha 
of  tradition,  the  latter,  Sakyamuni,  was  declared  to 
be  an  incarnation  of  the  eternal  and  unchanging 
Buddha,  later  known  as  Adi-Buddha,  —  dwelling  in 
the  highest  heaven.  Around  this  supreme  Buddha 
were  grouped  a  countless  number  of  Bodhisattvas, 
destined  in  future  ages  to  become  human  Buddhas 
for  the  sake  of  erring  man.  To  raise  oneself  to  the 
rank  of  Bodhisattva  by  virtuous  and  meritorious  works 
was  the  ideal  now  held  out  to  generous  souls.  In- 
stead of  Nirvana,  Sukhavati  became  the  object  of 
religious  hope,  the  heaven  of  sensuous  delights, 
where  Amitabha,^  an  emanation  of  the  eternal 
Buddha,  happily  reigned.  For  the  attainment  of 
this  end,  the  necessity  of  virtuous  conduct  was  not 
altogether  forgotten,  but  an  extravagant  importance 
was  attached  to  the  worship  of  relics  and  statues,  to 
pilgrimages,  and  above  all  to  the  reciting  of  sacred 
names  and  magic  formulae.  Many  other  gross  forms 
of  Hindu  superstition  were  also  adopted. 

This  innovation,  so  utterly  foreign  to  the  teaching 
of  Buddha,  took  its  rise  in  Northern  India  about  the 
first  century  B.  c     It  was  known  as  the  Mahayana 

1  The  Buddhist  substitute  for  Yama,  the  lord  of  the  Brahman 
paradise. 


History  of  Buddhism  137 

or  Great  Vehicle,  in  distinction  from  the  earHer  form 
of  Buddhism  contemptuously  styled  the  Hinayana 
or  Little  Vehicle.^ 

The  new  movement  grew  apace,  and  in  the  next 
few  centuries  supplanted  the  older  Buddhism  in 
Northern  India,  Kashmir,  and  Bactria.  The  Buddhist 
order  thus  became  separated  into  two  great  schisms, 
the  Mahayana  or  Buddhism  of  the  North,  and  the 
Hinayana  or  Buddhism  of  the  South. 

It  was  this  Northern  Buddhism  that  was  propa- 
gated in  China,  Japan,  Tartary,  and  Tibet,  the  very 
countries  that  furnish  to-day  the  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  Buddhists.  But  they  are  Buddhists  in  name 
only,  adhering  to  forms  of  religious  belief  and  practice 
in  open  contradiction  to  what  Buddha  took  pains  to 
inculcate.  It  is  only  by  the  few  millions  of  Southern 
Buddhists  that  primitive  Buddhism  has  been  even 
fairly  preserved. 

For  more  than  two  centuries  after  the  death  of 
Buddha,  nothing  positive  is  known  of  the  history  of 
the  religion  that  he  founded.  The  later  Buddhist 
scriptures  tell  how  a  council  of  five  hundred  monks 
was  held  at  Rajagriha  in  the  summer  following  Bud- 
dha's death,  to  give  a  fixed  and  authoritative  expres- 
sion to  his  dogmatic  and  disciplinary  teachings;  also 
how,  a  century  later,  another  council  of  seven  hundred 

1  According  to  some,  it  was  called  the  Great  Vehicle  because  it 
opened  up  the  highest  salvation  to  laymen  as  well  as  to  monks, 
whereas  the  Little  Vehicle  held  out  Nirvana  to  monks  alone. 


10  8  Buddhism 

monks  convened  at  Vaisali,  to  suppress  the  lax  inno- 
vations that  threatened  the  integrity  of  Buddhist  dis- 
cipline. But  the  historical  character  of  these  accounts 
as  found  in  the  last  two  chapters  of  the  Chullavagga 
and  elsewhere  is  called  in  question  by  many.^ 

That  Buddha's  order  must  have  grown  rapidly  and 
soon  become  conspicuous  in  Northern  India  is  very 
likely ;  for  in  the  third  century  B.C.,  we  find  it  in  a 
flourishing  condition,  enjoying  the  patronage  of 
those  in  power.  The  fact  that  Buddha  came  himself 
from  the  caste  of  warriors,  and  the  welcome  extended 
in  his  system  to  men  of  every  rank,  must  have  helped 
in  no  small  measure  to  win  for  the  new  religion  the 
good-will  of  rulers,  whose  inferior  origin  debarred 
them  from  Brahman  privileges.  Political  influence 
has  been  set  down  as  one  of  the  important  factors  in 
the  spread  of  Buddhism  in  India. 

The  first  reliable  evidence  we  have  of  the  growth 
of  Buddhism,  is  that  offered  by  the  inscriptions  of  King 
Asoka.2  He  was  the  grandson  of  Chandragupta 
(Sandrokottos),  who,  after  the  death  of  Alexander 
the   Great,    successfully  resisted    the   encroachments 

1  Cf.  de  la  Saussaye,  Relifionsgeschichte,  §  84.  J.  H.  C.  Kern,  Der 
Buddhisnnts  und  scim  Geschichte  in  Indien^  II.  pp.  288  ff. 

-  The  most  complete  and  reliable  account  of  Asoka  and  his  in- 
scriptions is  to  be  found  in  Senart's  monumental  work  in  two  volumes, 
Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi.  Cf.  also  his  interesting  article,  Un  roi 
de  rinde  au  III  siecle  avant  notre  ere  ;  Asoka  et  le  bouddhisme.  Rev. 
des  deux  Mondes,  18S9,  I.  pp.  67  ff.  A  translation  of  Senart's  In- 
scriptions may  be  found  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  vols.  IX.,  X., 
XVII.,  and  XXI. 


History  of  Buddhism  i  ^9 

of  the  Greeks,  and  founded  a  vast  empire  in 
Northern  India.  Asoka  mounted  the  throne  about 
273  B.C.^  and  enlarged  the  empire  by  new  conquests. 
But  softened  by  the  frightful  havoc  of  war,  he  be- 
came converted  to  Buddhism  in  about  the  thirteenth 
year  of  his  reign,  and  setting  himself  against  all 
thought  of  future  conquest,  devoted  his  energies  to 
the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.  His 
dominion  embraced  all  of  India  as  far  south  as 
Mysore,  and  extended  north  as  far  as  the  Kabul 
valley.     His  reign  lasted  thirty  years  or  more.^ 

In  the  interest  of  the  religion  he  had  adopted, 
Asoka  published  a  number  of  interesting  edicts, 
which  have  fortunately  been  preserved  to  our  day. 
They  were  engraved  on  the  faces  of  huge  rocks  and 
on  stone  pillars,  the  same  edict  being  published  in 
different  parts  of  the  empire.  Several  duplicate  sets 
of  inscriptions  have  thus  far  been  found.  Of  these 
the  most  important  are  the  fourteen  rock-inscriptions 
existing  in  a  partially  defaced  condition,  at  Mansehra 
on  the  Afghan  frontier,  at  Kapur  di  Giri  in  the  upper 
valley  of  the  Indus,  at  Girnar  in  the  Gujerat  penin- 
sula, at  Khalsi  near  the  source  of  the  Jumna,  and 
at  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  in  Orissa.  At  the  last  two 
places,  edicts  XI.,  XII.,  and  XIII.  are  wanting,  but 
in  their  stead  are  two  other  important  ones  known  as 
the  first  and  second  separate  edicts  of  Dhauli. 

1  Senart,  Op.  cit.  II.  p.  257. 

2  The  eighth  Delhi  edict  is  dated  from  the  28th  year  of  his  conse- 
cration as  king. 


140  Buddhism 

Besides  these,  there  is  the  edict  of  Bhabra,  engraved 
on  a  small  granite  rock  now  preserved  in  Calcutta ; 
the  rock-edict  common  to  Rupnath,  Sahasaram,  Bairat, 
and  Mysore ;  and  eight  column-edicts  found  at  Delhi, 
Allahabad,  Mathiah,  Radhiah,  and  the  Nepalese 
Tarai. 

In  these  inscriptions,  the  king,  styling  himself  now 
Piyadasi  (the  Benevolent),  now  Devanampiya  (Dear 
to  the  gods)  shows  himself  to  be  a  convert  to  Bud- 
dhism, devout  and  zealous.  Indeed,  in  the  Bhabra 
edict,  he  acts  as  if  he  were  the  authoritative  head  of 
the  Buddhist  order,  for  he  enjoins  on  the  clergy  of 
Magadha  the  frequent  rehearsing  to  both  monks  and 
laymen  of  certain  sacred  compositions,  which  he 
enumerates.  He  tells  of  his  zeal  in  sending  out 
missionaries  to  make  known  to  men  the  law  of  kind- 
ness to  all  living  creatures,  and  boasts  of  its  obser- 
vance in  the  realms  of  Antiochus,  Ptolemy,  Antigonus, 
Magas,  and  Alexander.  While  interdicting  bloody 
sacrifices,  he  displays  a  tolerant  and  kindly  spirit 
towards  Brahman  and  other  heretical  sects.  He 
recommends  to  every  sect  the  spirit  of  forbearance 
and  generous  emulation  in  the  teaching  and  practice 
of  virtue.  It  is  in  virtuous  conduct  that  he  finds  re- 
ligion chiefly  to  consist,  inculcating  docile  obedience 
to  parents,  masters,  and  all  other  superiors,  respect 
for  the  aged,  almsgiving  to  Brahmans  and  monks, 
compassion  for  the  destitute,  kind  treatment  of  ser- 
vants and   slaves,  a  merciful  regard  for  animal  life, 


History  of  Buddhism  141 

gentleness,  purity,  and  truthfulness.  He  sets  a  good 
example  himself  by  dealing  with  his  subjects  as  a 
tender-hearted  father  to  his  children.  He  bestows 
alms  generously  on  Brahmans  and  monks  of  every  sect. 
He  appoints  inspectors  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the 
people  by  suppressing  all  forms  of  injustice,  especially 
arbitrary  imprisonment  and  torture.  He  ordains  for 
criminals  condemned  to  death  a  respite  of  three  days, 
that  they  may  have  the  opportunity  of  preparing  for 
a  better  future  by  almsgiving  and  fasting.  He  pro- 
vides for  the  importation  and  cultivation  of  plants  and 
trees  useful  for  man  and  beast,  especially  medicinal 
herbs,  and  sees  that  the  highways  are  properly  fur- 
nished with  watering  places.  While  abolishing  the 
use  of  animal  food  at  his  own  table,  he  puts  restric- 
tions on  the  slaughter  of  animals  for  the  market,  and 
absolutely  prohibits  the  religious  sacrifice  of  bird  or 
beast.  Not  unsuitably  has  he  been  called  the  Con- 
stantine  of  Buddhism. 

The  silence  of  these  monuments  throws  grave  doubt 
on  much  that  is  told  of  Asoka  in  the  traditions  em- 
bodied in  the  Mahavansa,  a  Ceylonese  chronicle  of 
the  fifth  century.  Here  we  read  that  Asoka,  con- 
verted by  a  miracle  to  Buddhism,  built  84,000  stupas 
throughout  his  realm ;  also  that,  under  the  direction 
of  the  monk  Tissa,  a  great  council  was  held  at  Patna, 
in  which  the  canonical  books  were  definitely  recog- 
nized. This  council,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  following 
chapter,  is  most  likely  a  mere  fable. 


\ 


142  Buddhism 

In  like  manner,  the  story  that  Asoka's  son  Mahinda 
became  a  monk,  and  havhig  gone  as  a  missionary  to 
distant  Ceylon,  converted  to  Buddhism  both  king  and 
people ;  and  that  Sanghamitta,  Asoka's  daughter, 
who  had  likewise  renounced  the  world,  introduced 
into  the  newly  converted  country  the  Buddhist  order 
of  nuns,  is  not  without  grave  suspicion  of  being  a 
pious  invention  of  the  Ceylonese  clergy,  prompted  by 
feelings  of  local  pride. 

This  much  is  doubtless  true,  that  Buddhist  mission- 
aries, inspired  by  Asoka,  carried  the  knowledge  of 
their  religion  into  Ceylon.  For  it  is  largely  due  to 
the  impetus  given  to  the  growth  of  Buddhism  by  the 
king,  that  the  name  of  Buddha  was  made  known  to 
the  surrounding  nations.  At  any  rate  we  find  Bud- 
dhism flourishing  in  Ceylon  about  150  B.C.  under  the 
Buddhist  king  Duttha  Gamini,  He  built  for  the 
order  a  large  monastery  and  two  magnificent  stupas. 
Buddhism  has  ever  since  been  the  prevailing  religion 
in  Ceylon. 

The  Mahavansa  tells  of  other  missionary  enter- 
prises successfully  carried  out  under  the  auspices  of 
Asoka.  Besides  the  conversion  of  the  extreme  north- 
ern and  western  peoples  of  India,  missionaries  were 
sent  to  evangelize  Kashmir,  Gandhara  (Kandahar), 
and  the  so-called  Yavana  country,  identified  by  most 
scholars  with  the  Greek  settlements  in  the  Kabul 
valley  and  vicinity,  later  known  as  Bactria.^ 

1  Turnour —  Mahiuoanso,  p.  71. 


History  of  Buddhism  143 

In  these  parts,  Buddhism  quickly  took  root  and 
flourished,  especially  under  the  Yavana  or  Greek 
King  Menander,  who  held  sway  about  150  B.C.  over 
a  large  empire  comprising  Bactria,  Kabul,  and  the 
northwest  portion  of  India.  Being  himself  a  convert 
to  Buddhism,  he  did  much  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
the  order.  He  figures  prominently  in  Buddhist  tra- 
dition as  the  royal  patron  of  orthodoxy.-' 

More  important  still  for  the  history  of  Buddhism  in 
the  northern  countries,  is  the  reign  of  Kanishka,  or, 
as  he  is  called  on  his  coins,  Kanerkes.  A  successor 
of  the  Scythian  conquerors  who  had  overthrown  the 
Greek  kingdoms  of  Parthia  and  Bactria,  Kanishka  ex- 
tended his  empire  by  a  series  of  conquests  till  it 
embraced  all  of  Northern  India,  as  well  as  Kashmir, 
Kabul,  the  Bactrian  country  to  the  north.  The  time 
of  his  reign  was  formerly  a  matter  of  conjecture,  most 
scholars  contenting  themselves  with  the  estimate  of 
Lassen,  that  it  embraced  a  period  of  thirty  years  or 
more,  beginning  about  10  A.D.  But  the  correctness 
of  this  view  was  called  in  question  when  the  accumu- 
lating evidence  of  Indian  archaeology  pointed  to  the 
reign  at  that  very  time  in  Northern  India  of  a  Par- 
thian King  Gondophares.  In  1880,  James  Fergusson 
published  an  essay  in  the  Joui'ual  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society  on  the  "  Saka,  Samvat,  and  Gupta  Eras,"  in 
which  he  advocated  the  view  that  Kanishka  established 
the  Saka  empire  in  India  in   78  A.D.     This  view  has 

1  C£.  Questions  of  King  Milinda,  S.  B.  E.  XXXV.  and  XXXVI. 


144  Buddhism 

been  fully  confirmed  by  numismatic  evidence,  and  is 
now  accepted  by  the  majority  of  scholars.^ 

Kanishka  was  an  ardent  Buddhist  and  did  much  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  religion  he  professed.  It  was 
under  his  auspices  that  a  great  council  of  monks  was 
convened  in  Kashmir  about  lOO  A.D.,^  at  which  three 
commentaries  were  drawn  upon  the  threefold  canon, 
the  Tri-pitJiaka.  The  tradition  that  this  council 
definitely  fixed  the  canon  of  Sanskrit  Scriptures  rec- 
ognized in  the  Northern  school  of  Buddhism,  is,  how- 
ever, untenable ;  for  a  number  of  books  belonging  to 
the  Northern  canon  are  undoubtedly  later  than  this 
date. 

That  this  council  should  be  unknown  to  the  South- 
ern Buddhist  school  is  not  remarkable.  It  was  held 
primarily  at  least  for  the  benefit  of  Buddhism  within 
Kanishka's  empire;  and  in  view  of  his  recent  con- 
quests, it  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  Buddhists 
elsewhere  were  invited  to  take  part  in  it.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that  this  very  conquest  of  Northern  India 
by  Kanishka  was  the  occasion  of  that  separation  of 
the  Buddhists  of  his  empire  from  the  members  of  the 
order  throughout  the  rest  of  India,  whereby  the 
former,  being  soon  won  over  to  the  Mahayana  inno- 

1  Cf.  Percy  Gardner,  The  Coins  of  the  Greek  and  Scytkic  Kings  of 
Bactria  and  India  in  the  British  Museum,  p.  li.  —  Silbernagel,  Der 
Buddhisnius,  p.  50.  — Barth,  Rev.  Hist.  Rel.  XXXVIII.  p.  247.— 
Kern,  Der  Buddhismits  und  seine  Geschichte  in  Iiidieiiy  II.  pp.  448  ff. 

■^  Kern,  Op.  cit.  II.,  449.  —  de  la  Saussaye,  Religionsgeschichte,  II. 
p.  106. 


History  of  Buddhism  145 

vations,  grew  up  into  the  so-called  Northern  school, 
with  a  literature  and  with  traditions  partly  common  to 
those  of  the  South,  and  partly  peculiar  to  themselves.^ 

Meanwhile  missionary  zeal  was  carrying  the  knowl- 
edge of  Buddha  into  the  distant  land  of  China.^  In 
the  year  61  A.  D.,  the  emperor  Ming-ti  sent  a  delega- 
tion to  India  to  procure  Buddhist  books  and  Buddhist 
teachers.  After  six  years  the  embassy  returned  with 
books,  pictures,  and  relics,  in  company  with  two  Bud- 
dhist monks.  The  new  religion  was  officially  recog- 
nized, and  given  a  place  of  honor  by  the  side  of 
Confucianism  and  Taoism.-  In  the  following  cen- 
tury, conversions  began  to  multiply,  and  more  monks 
came  from  the  far  west  to  China  to  carry  on  the  work 
of  zeal.  Prominent  among  these  was  the  Parthian 
monk  An-tsing  (An-shikao),  who  arrived  at  the 
Chinese  capital  about  150  A.D.,  bringing  with  him 
sacred  books  which  he  translated  into  Chinese.  ^ 

The  religious  communications  between  China  and 
India  became  very  close  during  the  next  few  cen- 
turies. Not  only  did  Buddhist  missionaries  from 
India  labor  ir  China,  but  many  Chinese  monks 
showed  their  zeal  for  the  newly  adopted  religion,  by 
making  pilgrimages  to  India  to  visit  the  holy  places, 
and  to  bring  back  to  their  country  sacred  books,, 
relics,  statues,  and  pictures. 

1  Vi(fe  iti/ra,  p.  213. 

2  .Silbernagel,  Op.  cit.  pp.  119  ff.  —  de  la  Saussaye,  Op.  cit,  §  86. 
8  Ci.Jourtt.  Roy.  As.  Soc.  1856,  p.  327. 

10 


146  Buddhism 

A  few  of  them  wrote  valuable  accounts,  still  extant, 
of  what  they  saw  and  heard  in  their  travels.  Of 
these  pilgrims  the  most  noted  are  Fa  Hien,  who 
journeyed  in  India  and  Ceylon  in  the  years  399-414 
A.  D.,  and  Hiouen  Thsang,  who  travelled  extensively 
in  India  two  centuries  later  (629-645  A.  D.).^ 

The  form  of  Buddhism  first  introduced  into  China 
was  the  early  traditional  type,  now  represented  ex- 
clusively by  Southern  Buddhism,  but  still  prevalent 
in  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era  in  the  North- 
ern empire  of  Kanishka.  But  the  absorption  of  the 
latter  by  the  Mahayana  movement,  gave  occasion  for 
a  corresponding  change  in  the  Buddhism  of  China. 
The  later  missionaries,  being  in  great  majority  from 
Northern  India,  brought  with  them  the  new  doctrine, 
and  in  a  short  time,  the  Hinayana  was  abandoned  in 
China  in  favor  of  Northern  Buddhism. 

Two  of  the  Bodhisattvas  held  in  high  honor  in  the 
latter  school  especially  commended  themselves  to 
the  Chinese,  and  became  the  favorite  objects  of 
worship.  One  was  Amitabha,  the  lord  of  the  Suk- 
havati   paradise.     The  other  was  Avalokitesvara,  the 

1  Cf.  James  Legge,  A  Record  of  Buddhist  Al/igdoms,  Being  an  Ac- 
count of  the  Chinese  Monk  Fa  Hien,  of  his  Travels  in  India  and  Cey- 
lon. Oxford,  18S6.  —  S.  Beal,  Buddhist  Records  of  the  Western  World. 
2  vols.  Lond.  1SS4.  This  work  contains  the  narratives  of  Fa  Plien 
and  Hiouen  Thsang,  and  also  describes  the  journeys  of  two  other 
pilgrims,  Sung  Yun  and  I-Tsing.  J.  Takakusii,  a  Japanese  pupil  of 
Max  Miiller,  has  published  I-Tsing's  narrative  under  the  title,  A 
Record  of  the  Buddhist  Religion  as  practised  in  India  and  the  Malay 
Archipelago,  by  I- Tsing.     Oxford,  1896. 


History  of  Buddhism  147 

Bodhisattva  so  extravagantly  praised,  in  the  Lotus 
of  the  True  Law}  as  ready  to  extricate  from  every 
sort  of  danger  and  misfortune  those  who  think  of 
him  or  cherish  his  name.  The  former  is  known 
to  the  Chinese  as  Amita  or  Mito.  Offerings  of 
flowers  and  incense  made  before  his  statues,  and 
the  frequent  repetition  of  his  name,  are  beUeved 
to  insure  a  rebirth  in  his  distant  western  paradise, 
where  deHghts  of  mind  and  sense  are  to  be  enjoyed 
unceasingly. 

Fousa  Kwanyin  is  the  name  under  which  the  Chi- 
nese worship  Bodhisattva  Avalokitesvara,  now  as  a 
male  deity,  now  as  the  goddess  of  mercy,  who  comes 
to  the  relief  of  men  in  every  strait. 

An  excessive  devotion  to  statues  and  relics,  the 
employment  of  magic  arts  to  keep  off  evil  spirits,  and 
the  observance  of  many  of  the  gross  superstitions  of 
Taoism,  complete  the  picture  of  Buddhism  in  China, 
so  utterly  unlike  the  system  which  Buddha  taught 
to  men. 

From  China,  Buddhism  was  introduced  into  Corea 
in  the  fourth  century.  Two  centuries  later,  missiona- 
ries from  Corea  made  it  known  in  Japan.  In  both 
these  countries  local  superstitions  were  incorporated 
into  the  new  religion,  but  in  its  main  features  it 
preserved  its  identity  with  the  Buddhism  of  China. 
Annam  was  also  evangelized  by  Chinese  Buddhists  at 
an  early  day. 

1  Ch.  xxiv. 


148  Buddhism 

The  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  Tibet  ^  dates 
from  the  seventh  century.  Influenced  by  his  two 
Buddhist  wives,  one  a  Nepalese,  the  other  a  Chinese, 
princess,  the  king  of  Tibet,  Srong-tsan  Sgam-po, 
whose  Hfe  covers  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century, 
invited  Buddhist  monks  from  Northern  India  to 
preach  their  rehgion  in  his  kingdom.  It  was  not  till 
the  ninth  century,  however,  that  Buddhism  in  Tibet 
began  to  thrive.'^  Monks  from  India  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  translation  of  the  sacred  books,  and 
monasteries  arose  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  increasinsf 
native  clergy.  Persecutions  broke  out,  and  several 
times  the  religion  was  in  danger  of  extermination. 
But  it  perseveringly  struggled  against  opposition,  and 
in  the  thirteenth  century  was  the  prevailing  religion 
of  the  land. 

In  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  Mon- 
gols conquered  Tibet.  The  royal  family  was  dis- 
persed, and  in  1260  the  head  lama,  a  monk  of  the 
great  Sakja  monastery,  was  raised  by  Kublai  Khan, 
who  also  professed  Buddhism,  to  the  position  of  spir- 
itual and  temporal  ruler.  To  this  action  of  Kublai 
Khan,  and  to  the  reforms  in  discipline  and  liturgy, 
made  by  the  famous  Tsong  Khaba,  in  the  beginning 

1  Silbernagel,  Op.  cit.  pp.  154  ff.  —  de  la  Saussaye,  Op.  cit.  §  85. 

2  Rockhill  {Life  of  the  Buddha,  p.  221)  gives  evidence  that  in  the 
middle  of  the  eighth  century  Tibet  was  hardly  recognized  as  a  Bud- 
dhist country.  Most  of  the  Tibetan  translations  of  Buddhist  works 
date  from  the  ninth  and  following  centuries.  Ibid.  p.  214.  —  Cf.  Burn- 
ouf,  Introduction  a  V Histoire  dti  Bouddhisrne  Indioi,  pp.  577-578.  — 
Weber,  History  of  Indian  Literature,  p.  294. 


History  of  Buddhism  149 

of  the  fifteenth  century,  Lamaism,  as  Tibetan  Bud- 
dhism is  called,  owes  many  of  its  peculiarities. 

Lamaism  is  based  on  the  Northern  Buddhisrr 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  which  was  a  degraded  form  of 
the  Mahayana  teaching,  saturated  with  the  gross  and 
disgusting  elements  of  Tantra  and  Siva  worship.  Its 
deities  are  innumerable,  its  idolatry  without  limit. 
In  the  use  of  magic  formulae,  and  in  the  endless 
repetition  of  sacred  names,  it  rivals  the  Buddhism 
of  China.  Its  favorite  formula  is,  Om  mani  padine 
hum,  "  O  jewel  in  the  lotus,  amen,"  which  written 
on  streamers  exposed  to  the  wind,  and  multiplied 
on  paper  slips  turned  by  hand,  or  wind,  or  water, 
in  the  so-called  prayer-wheels,  is  thought  to  secure 
for  the  agent  unspeakable  merit. 

The  highest  deities  of  Lamaism  are  five  Dhyani- 
Buddhas,  or  Buddhas  of  contemplation.  They  are 
the  eternal,  heavenly  types  of  which  the  five  human 
Buddhas  of  the  present  world-age  are  only  incarna- 
tions. Each  Dhyani-Buddha  has,  besides,  his  corre- 
sponding Bodhisattva.  Of  these  the  most  important 
is  the  Dhyani-Buddha  Amitabha,  whose  Bodhisattva 
is  Avalokitesvara,  and  who  became  incarnate  in 
Gotama  Buddha. 

The  Dalai-Lama,  residing  in  the  great  monastery 
at  Lhassa,  passes  for  the  incarnation  of  Buddha  Ami- 
tabha. When  he  dies,  Amitabha  is  believed  to  as- 
sume flesh  in  a  new  conception.  Accordingly,  nine 
months  later,  a  newly  born  babe  is  selected  by  divin- 


150  Buddhism 

ation  as  the  reincarnate  Buddha.  He  is  carefully 
nurtured  and  surrounded  with  religious  honors,  and 
when  of  mature  years  assumes  authority  as  the  Dalai- 
Lama. 

Between  such  a  religion  and  Catholicism  there  is  a 
world-wide  difference.  Yet  in  its  elaborate  ceremonial 
and  hierarchical  constitution,  it  presents  a  number  of 
resemblances  to  points  of  Catholic  liturgy  and  disci- 
pline. "The  cross,"  writes  the  Abbe  Hue,  "the 
mitre,  the  dalmatic,  the  cope  which  the  Grand  Lamas 
wear  on  their  journeys  or  when  they  are  performing 
some  ceremony  out  of  the  temple,  the  service  with 
double  choirs,  the  psalmody,  the  exorcisms,  the  cen- 
ser suspended  from  five  chains  and  which  you  can 
open  or  close  at  pleasure,  the  benedictions  given  by 
the  Lamas  by  extending  the  right  hand  over  the 
heads  of  the  faithful,  the  rosary,  ecclesiastical  celi- 
bacy, spiritual  retirement,  veneration  of  the  saints,  the 
fasts,  processions,  litanies,  the  holy  water,  —  all  these 
are  analogies  between  the  Buddhist  and  ourselves."  ^ 
He  might  have  added  to  this  list  the  infallible  head 
of  the  church,  and  grades  of  the  clergy  corresponding 
to  bishop  and  priest.  The  wide  propagation  of  Nes- 
torianism  over  Central  and  Eastern  Asia  in  the  Middle 
Ages  offers  a  natural  explanation  for  such  of  these 
resemblances  as  are  accretions  on  early  Buddhism.^ 

In  the  twelfth  and  following  centuries   Buddhism 


't> 


1  Abbe  Hue,  Travels  in  Tartary,  Tibet,  and  China,  Vol.  II.  ch.  ii. 

2  Vide  infra,  pp.  299  ff. 


History  of  Buddhism  151 

spread  over  Tartary,  through  the  missionary  zeal  of 
Tibetan  Lamas. 

While  Northern  Buddhism  was  thus  exerting  a 
widespread  influence  over  China,  Japan,  Tartary,  and 
Tibet,  the  earlier  form  of  Buddhism  was  extending 
its  peaceful  conquests  over  the  countries  and  islands 
of  Southern  Asia.  Missionaries  from  Ceylon  evangel- 
ized Burma  in  the  fifth  century.  Within  the  next  two 
centuries,  it  spread  to  Siam,  Cambodia,  Java,  and 
adjacent  islands.^ 

When  Fa  Hien  visited  India,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  fifth  century,  he  found  Buddhism  in  a  flourishing 
condition.  Everywhere  he  saw  splendid  stupas  and 
monasteries,  and  temples  adorned  with  precious  stat- 
ues. Two  centuries  later  Hiouen  Thsang  found  some 
of  the  monuments  described  by  his  predecessor  in 
ruins,  but  as  yet  there  were  no  signs  of  general  de- 
cay. In  later  centuries  a  reaction  against  Buddhism 
set  in,  and  Hinduism  rapidly  gained  ground  on  its 
rival.  Whether  its  decline  was  hastened  by  persecu- 
tions is  still  a  subject  of  dispute,  but  with  the  Arab 
conquest  of  India,  Buddhism  came  to  an  end  in  the 
land  that  gave  it  birth.  Only  in  the  small  district  of 
Nepal,  in  the  extreme  north,  and  in  Ceylon,  in  the 
extreme  south,  has  it  succeeded  in  maintaining  its 
existence. 

The  number  of  Buddhists  throughout  the  world  is 
commonly  estimated  to  be  about  four  hundred  and 
1  Silbernagel,  Op.  cit.  p.  66. 


152  Buddhism 

fifty  millions,  or  one-third  of  the  human  race.  But  in 
this  estimate  the  error  is  made  of  classing  all  the  Chi- 
nese and  Japanese  as  Buddhists.  The  majority  of  the 
Chinese  are  Confucianists  and  Taoists.  A  large  part 
of  the  people  of  Japan  adhere  to  the  traditions  of 
Shintoism.  Professor  Legge  declares  that  the  Bud- 
dhists in  the  whole  world  are  not  more  than  one  hun- 
dred millions,  being  far  outnumbered,  not  only  by 
Christians,  but  also  by  the  adherents  of  Confucianism 
and  Hinduism.  To  this  estimate  Professor  Monier 
Williams  ^  gives  his  approval.  Whatever  their  exact 
number  may  be,  this  much  is  certain,  that  the  vast 
majority  adhere  to  forms  of  religion  which  Buddha 
himself  would  be  the  first  to  repudiate.  It  is  the 
Southern  Buddhists  of  Ceylon,  Burma,  and  Siam  who 
alone  deserve  to  be  identified  with  the  order  founded 
by  Buddha.  They  number  at  the  most  but  thirty 
millions  of  souls. 

1  Buddhism,  p.  1 5. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE   BUDDHIST   SACRED   BOOKS 

The  twofold  Buddhist  canon,  the  Northern  (Sanskrit)  and  the 
Southern  (Pali)  —  The  character  of  the  Southern  canon — The 
Vinaya-pitaka,  Sutta-pitaka,  and  A bhidkamma-pitaka,  constituting 
the  Ti-pitaka  —  Extra-canonical  works:  the  Dipavansa,  Mahavatisa, 
Conwtetttarics  of  Bitddliaghosa,  Milinda  Panha  —  Works  peculiar 
to  the  Northern  canon :  the  Buddha  Charita,  Lalita  Vistara, 
Abhinishkraviana  Sutra,  Saddharma-puiidarika  — Translations  — 
Age  of  the  Ti-pitaka  greatly  exaggerated  —  The  view  that  it  was 
fixed  for  good  in  the  time  of  Asoka  unwarranted  —  The  Legend- 
ary Biographies  of  Buddha  —  Critical  examination  of  the  age 
of  the  Buddha  Charita  —  Critical  examination  of  the  age  of  the 
Lalita  Vistara — Date  of  the  chief  Chinese  biography  —  Other 
Chinese  versions — Tibetan  versions — Dates  of  the  chief  biog- 
raphies of  the  Southern  school  :  the  A'idana  Katha  and  the 
Commentary  on  the  Biiddhavansa —  More  recent  forms  of  the 
Buddha-legend. 

BOTH  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  school 
possess  a  canon  of  sacred  books.  The  North- 
ern canon,  preserved  by  the  Buddhists  of  Nepal  is 
in  Sanskrit;  the  Southern,  belonging  to  the  Buddhists 
of  Ceylon,  is  in  Pali,  a  softer  language  bearing  the 
same  relation  to  Sanskrit  that  Italian  does  to  Latin. 
The  two  canons  are  not  identical  in  contents,  being 
made   up   only   in   part   of    the   same   books.     The 


154  Buddhism 

Southern  canon  is  the  more  ancient  and  the  more 
respectable ;  for  while  not  without  serious  defects, 
it  is  free  from  the  disgusting  Tantra  literature  and 
the  Mahayana  absurdities  that  disfigure  the  Northern 
canon. 

The  canonical  books  of  the  Southern  school,  twenty- 
nine  in  number,  are  for  the  most  part  compilations 
of  numerous  short  themes  and  tracts  by  unknown 
authors,  the  fruit  of  many  ages  of  Buddhist  moraliz- 
ing and  speculation.  Stripped  of  their  endless  repeti- 
tions, they  would  be  about  equal  in  amount  to  the 
Sacred  Scriptures,  though,  on  the  whole,  far  inferior  to 
them  in  depth  of  thought  and  richness  of  expression. 
They  abound  in  commonplaces,  and  are  marred  by 
many  puerilities  and  ridiculous  superstitions.  Despite 
the  praise  lavished  on  them  by  enthusiastic  scholars 
like  Rhys  Davids,-^  they  deserve  the  name  of  being  to 
a  large  extent  dull  reading. 

They  are  grouped  under  three  heads,  or,  as  the 
Buddhists  would  say,  in  three  baskets  (pitakas) :  The 
Vinaya-pitaka,  a  collection  of  books  dealing  with  the 
disciplinary  rules  of  the  order ;  ^  the  Sutta-pitaka, 
consisting  of  the  alleged  discourses  of  Buddha  and 
his  early  disciples,  as  well  as  of  didactic  and  histori- 
cal tracts;^  and  the  AbJiidhanwia-pitaka,  comprising 

1  Cf.  his  American  Lectures  on  Buddhism,  Lect.  II. 

2  Most  of  the  Vinaya-pitaka  may  be  found  translated  in  S.  B.  E. 
XIII.,  XVII.,  and  XX. 

8  A  few  of  these  have  been  published  in  English  dress  in  S.  B.  E. 
X.  and  XL 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  155 

more  detailed  treaties  on  subjects  chiefly  doctrinal.^ 
These  three/ baskets  constitute  the  Buddhist  Bible  of 
the  Southern  school  known  as  the  triple  basket, 
Ti-pitaka  (Sanskrit,  Tri-pitliakd). 

Besides  these  canonical  books,  there  are  a  few, 
dating  mostly  from  the  fourth  and  following  cent- 
uries, that  are  held  in  great  esteem.  These  are  the 
Ceylonese  chronicles  known  as  the  Dipavansa  and 
the  Alahavansa,  in  which  a  history  of  Buddhism  is 
essayed  from  the  death  of  the  founder  down  to  about 
300  A.  D. ;  the  commentaries  on  the  canonical  books, 
in  part  composed,  in  part  compiled,  by  Buddhaghosa, 
the  famous  master  of  Buddhist  wisdom  belonging  to 
the  fifth  century;  and  the  Milinda  Panha,  made 
known  to  English  readers  by  Rhys  Davids  under  the 
title,  The  Questions  of  King  Milinda? 

Northern  Buddhism  also  has  its  Tri-pitJiaka,  to 
which  belong  the  legendary  lives  of  Buddha  known 
as  the  Biiddlia  Charita^  the  Lalita  Vistara,^  and  the 
AbJiinisJikraniana  Sutra ;  also  the  favorite  work  of 
the  Mahayana  school,  known  as  the  Saddharma- 
pimdarika,  or  Lotus  of  the   True  Law.^ 

Only  part   of  the  Northern   canon    is   included   in 

1  The  Abhidhamma  books  have  not  yet  been  made  accessible  to 
English  readers. 

■■i  S.  B.  E.  XXXV.  and  XXXVI.  Its  date  is  placed  "  at  or  a  little 
after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era."     Op.  cit.  Introd. 

3  Translation  by  E.  B.  Covvell  in  ^.  B.  E.  XLIX. 

*  French  translation  by  Ph.  E.  Foucaux,  in  Annalcs  du  Musie 
Giiimet,  t.  VI.  with  supplement  t.  XIX. 

6  Translation  by  H.  Kern  in  ^.  B.  E.  XXI. 


156  Buddhism 

the  Tri-pithaka.  The  rest  consists  of  Tantra  and 
Dharani  hterature,  works  abounding  in  obscene  and 
magic  superstitions. 

In  the  chief  countries  abroad  where  Buddhism  took 
firm  root,  the  sacred  books  were  made  known  to  the 
people  through  translations.  These  have  been  nearly 
all  preserved,  so  that  to-day  the  sacred  Hterature  of 
Tibet  contains  the  complete  Northern  canon,  while 
the  Southern  is  equally  well  represented  in  the 
sacred  literature  of  Siam.  The  Buddhist  literature 
of  China  is  also  of  great  extent.  It  is  made  up  of 
translations  from  both  the  Northern  and  the  South- 
ern canon,  but  the  works  peculiar  to  the  former 
predominate. 

In  Burmese,  too,  there  are  a  number  of  translations 
of  works  belonging  to  the  Southern  canon. 

The  attempt  has  been  made  by  various  scholars  — 
notably  Max  Miiller,  Rhys  Davids,  and  Professor  Old- 
enberg  —  to  determine  the  age  of  the  different  parts 
of  the  Southern  canon,  but  the  data  on  which  they 
rely  are  not  such  as  to  inspire  confidence  in  their 
estimates.  That  the  confession-formula,  known  as 
the  Patimokkha,  and  some  other  parts  of  the  Vinaya, 
go  back  to  the  early  years  of  the  order,  and  that 
many  of  the  sayings  attributed  to  Buddha  in  the 
Suttas  are  in  substance,  at  least,  authentic  is  not 
improbable.  But  to  determine  even  approximately 
the  time  when  the  various  parts  of  the  canon  took 
permanent  form  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  uncer- 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  157 

tainty,  on  which  scholars  are  widely  divided.  Even 
the  question  when  the  canon  was  finally  closed  does 
not  admit  of  a  positive  answer. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  threefold 
collection,  known  as  the  Ti-pitakay  was  already  in 
existence  when  the  sacred  traditions  were  first  com- 
mitted to  writing.  This  took  place,  according  to  the 
Ceylonese  chronicles,  during  the  reign  of  Vattha 
Gamini  (88-76  B.  C.).^  But  was  this  Ti-pitaka  co-q^- 
tensive  with  the  canon  known  to  Buddhaghosa  six 
centuries  later?  There  is  no  positive  evidence  avail- 
able to  establish  this  absolute  identity.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  fact  that  the  life  of  Buddha,  forming  the 
introduction  to  the  canonical  Jataka  was  composed 
in  the  fifth  century,  creates  the  strong  suspicion  that 
additions  were  made  to  the  canon  in  the  next  {q.\w 
centuries  following  its  inscription  on  palm-leaf 
tablets. 

Max  Miiller  and  Rhys  Davids,  relying  on  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Ceylonese  chronicles,  say  that  the  Pali 
canon  was  fixed  definitely  at  the  so-called  council 
of  Patna  held  in  the  reign  of  Asoka.  But  the  very 
existence  of  this  council  is  a  matter  of  grave  doubt.^ 
In  the  first  place,  there  is  no  reference  to  it  in  the 
edicts  of  Asoka.  The  Bhabra  edict,  it  is  true,  was 
formerly  taken  to  be  a  memorial  letter  to  this  coun- 

^  Tumour,  Ma/uiwanso,  p.  207.    Cf.  Dipava>isa,  xx.  20,  21. 

2  Cf.  Kern,  Der  Buddhismus,  II.  pp.  351-352.  In  his  Manual  of 
Indian  Buddhism,-^,  no,  he  sees  in  the  so-called  Council  of  Patna 
nothing  more  than  a  mere  party-meeting. 


,58 


Buddhism 


cil ;  but  it  is  now  recognized  to  be  naught  else  than 
a  proclamation  to  the  Buddhist  order  enjoining  the 
frequent  use  of  certain  tracts  held  to  be  the  authentic 
sayings  of  Buddha.^ 

Secondly,  the  existence  of  this  alleged  council  is 
unknown  to  Northern  Buddhist  tradition.  This 
silence  is  alone  almost  convincing  evidence  that  the 
council  is  a  myth.  For  the  Buddhists  of  the  North 
were  evangelized  by  missionaries  from  Magadha  in 
the  reign  of  Asoka ;  nay,  according  to  the  Ceylonese 
tradition,  their  evangelization  was  one  of  the  fruits 
of  that  very  council.  A  council  of  such  importance 
could  not  have  been  ignored  by  Northern  tradition, 
had  it  really  existed. 

1  Cf.  p.  xxvi  of  Professor  Oldenberg's  Introd.  to  vol.  XIII.  of  S.  B. 
E.  E.  Senart,  Lcs  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  II.  pp.  304-305.  This  list  is 
interesting,  for  while  it  is  perfectly  compatible  with  the  existence  at 
that  time  of  a  much  more  extensive  canon,  it  bears  witness  to  the 
fact  that  in  Asoka's  day  but  few  suttas  were  credited  with  an  origin 
derived  from  Buddha  himself.     The  edict  is  thus  rendered  by  Senart. 

"  King  Piyadasi  greets  the  clergy  of  Magadha  and  wishes  them 
prosperity  and  health.  You  know,  sirs,  with  what  respect  and  good- 
will I  regard  Buddha,  the  Law,  and  the  Clergy.  All  that  has  been 
said  by  the  Blessed  Buddha  has  been  well  said,  and  as  far,  sirs,  as  my 
own  will  goes,  I  desire  that  this  religious  law  may  long  abide.  Here, 
sirs,  for  example,  are  religious  works :  the  Teaching  of  the  Disci- 
pline, the  Supernatural  (?)  Powers  of  the  Aryas,  the  Perils  of  the 
Future,  the  Verses  on  the  Hermit,  the  Questions  of  Upatishya,  the 
Sutra  on  Perfection,  and  the  Homily  on  Lying,  pronounced  by 
the  Blessed  Buddha  before  Rahula.  These  religious  works  I  would 
have  the  frequent  object  of  rehearsal  and  meditation  for  communities 
of  monks  and  nuns,  and  for  the  devout  laity  of  both  sexes  as  well.  It 
is  for  this  reason,  sirs,  that  I  make  this  inscription,  that  you  may 
know  my  will."  —  Translated frofu  Senart,  Op.  cit.  II.  pp.  207-20S. 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  159 

Again,  had  the  Ti-pitaka  received  its  final  and 
permanent  form  as  early  as  the  time  of  Asoka,  it 
must  have  been  known  in  its  entirety  to  the  Bud- 
dhists of  the  North  as  well  as  to  those  of  Ceylon  ;  for 
both  were  evangelized  at  the  same  time.  But  the 
presence  in  the  Southern  canon  of  many  works  not 
found  in  the  Tri-pitJiaka  of  Northern  Buddhism  and 
vice  versa,  shows  that  on  both  sides  the  number  of 
sacred  works  commonly  recognized  in  the  third  cen- 
tury B.  C.  was  greatly  augmented  by  later  accretions. 
In  the  face  of  such  evidence,  it  is  idle  to  assume  as 
an  established  truth  the  final  formation  of  the  Pali 
canon  in  the  time  of  Asoka,  especially  when  the 
sole  ground  for  the  assumption  is  a  Ceylonese  tradi- 
tion six  hundred  years  later  than  the  alleged  event.^ 

Still  more  hazardous  is  it  to  assert  on  the  basis  of 
equally  uncertain  traditions  that  the  great  bulk  of  the 
Vinaya  and  Sutta  texts  were  passed  upon  by  the 
so-called  council  of  Vaisali,  a  century  after  Buddha's 
death.^  The  existence  of  this  council  rests  on  too 
slender  a  foundation  to  serve  as  a  reliable  datum  for 
fixing  the  age  of  the  oldest  parts  of  the  canon.     It  is 

1  The  value  of  Indian  traditions  may  be  judged  from  the  follow- 
ing statement  of  the  judicious  scholar  James  Fergusson  :  "  Any  one 
who  has  travelled  in  India,  knows  what  sort  of  information  he  gets 
even  from  the  best  and  most  intelligent  Brahmans  with  regard  to  the 
dates  of  the  temples  they  and  their  forefathers  have  administered  in 
ever  since  their  erection.  One  or  two  thousand  years  is  a  moderate 
age  for  temples  which  we  know  were  certainly  erected  within  the  last 
two  or  three  centuries." —  Rude  Stone  Monuments,  p.  493. 

2  Cf.  Kern,  Mantial  of  Indian  Buddhism,  p.  109. 


i6o  Buddhism 

probably  nearer  the  truth  to  say  that  part  of  the 
Vinaya  and  not  a  few  of  the  Suttas  are  posterior  to 
the  time  of  Asoka.     So  profound  and  discriminating 
a  scholar  as  A.  Barth  has  said :   "  With  the  excep- 
tion   of  two  or  three  events,   the  memory  of  which 
has   been    handed  down    to   us   by  the  Greeks,   the 
chronological    history  of  India   begins  with   the   in- 
scriptions.    The  most  ancient    of  these,  the  famous 
edicts    of    King    Piyadasi-Asoka  .  .  .  are    also    the 
earliest   documents   undoubtedly  authentic    that   we 
have  of  Buddhism.     It  is  very  probable  that  among 
the  elements  that  go  to  make  up  the  Tri-pWiaka  there 
are  some  that  belong  to  a  past  more  remote  still; 
for  it  is  certain  that  the  Buddhism  of  the  inscriptions 
—  a  sort  of  religion  of  state  in  the  vast  and  mighty 
realm    of  India  —  was   already    in    possession    of  a 
literature.     But  there  are  many  reasons   for  doubt- 
ing  that   the    Buddhists  of  that  time  had  come  to 
recognize    a    canon.     At    any    rate,    there    is    not    a 
single  portion  of  this  canon  in  its  present  form,  Pali 
as  well  as  Sanskrit,  that  can  be  assigned  with  certi- 
tude   to  so  distant  a   period."  ^     Similar   views    are 
held  by  E.  Senart  ^  and  others. 

From  these  considerations  it  is  plain  that  the 
larger  estimates  of  the  translators  of  vol.  X.,  XL,  and 
XIII.  of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  are  to  be  re- 
ceived with  prudent  reserve.     This  caution  is  espe- 

1  J^evue  de  r Histoire  des  Religions,  XXVIII.  p.  241. 

2  Op.  cit.  II.  pp.  304-305. 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  i6i 

cially  needed  in  reading  the  American  Lectures  on 
Bnddhisin,  where  the  illustrious  author  allows  him- 
self to  be  carried  so  far  by  enthusiasm  as  to  attrib- 
ute, with  a  confidence  akin  to  certainty,  extremely 
remote  dates  to  Buddhist  suttas,  whose  existence  in 
Asoka's  time  is  at  best  but  conjectural.^ 

It  is  important  to  note  that  of  the  ancient  canon 
belonging  unquestionably  to  the  prechristian  era, 
only  two  books,  The  Book  of  the  Great  Decease  and 
the  Mahavagga,  contain  information  in  regard  to  the 
life  of  Buddha.  The  former,  which  Rhys  Davids*'^ 
thinks  to  be  as  old  as  300  B.C.,  is  not  a  biography, 
but  simply  an  account  of  Buddha's  last  days,  —  his 
sickness,  death,  obsequies,  and  the  division  of  his 
relics.  The  Mahavagga,  a  very  old  and  important 
portion  of  the  Vmaya,  giving  a  history  of  the  foun- 
dation and  development  of  the  order  of  monks,  re- 
counts a  number  of  incidents,  merely,  in  the  life  of 
the  founder,  beginning  with  his  four  weeks  of  con- 
templation which  followed  his  enlightenment  under 
the  Bodhi-tree.^ 

For  our  chief  knowledge  of  the  legendary  lore  that 
encircles  the  person  of  Buddha,  we  are  thrown  upon 

1  Rhys  Davids  —  Buddhism,  N.  Y.  1S96,  Lecture  ii.  and  vi.  Cf.  also 
pages  95-96,  where,  on  the  basis  of  asutta  of  unknown  date,  he  tries 
in  all  seriousness  to  solve  the  problem  how  long  it  takes  a  people  to 
supernaturalize  their  hero,  and  decides  that  it  takes  less  than  a 
hundred  years ! 

2  ^.  ^.  ^.  XI.  p.xi. 

3  It  is  translated  in  S.  B.  E.  vol.  XIII.  and  XVII. 


1 62  Buddhism 

Buddhist  books,  whose  integrity  has,  to  a  large  ex- 
tent, to  be  taken  on  faith, ^  and  not  one  of  which  can 
be  proved  to  be  as  old  as  the  synoptic  Gospels.  The 
abundant  mass  of  carefully  sifted  evidence,  by  which 
the  authenticity  of  the  latter  is  vindicated,  is  in  strik- 
ing contrast  with  the  slender  and  uncertain  basis  that 
gives  support  to  the  generally  accepted  dates  of  the 
Buddhist  books  in  question.^ 

The  one  which  has  the  best  claim  to  priority  in 
age  is  the  Sanskrit  poem  known  as  the  Buddha 
Charita.  As  has  been  remarked  already,  it  belongs 
to  the  Northern  canon.  In  its  original  form,  it  con- 
sisted of  thirteen  chapters,  and  gave  the  legendary 
tale  of  Buddha's  life  as  far  as  his  attainment  of  per- 
fect wisdom  under  the  Bodhi-tree.  Most  scholars 
agree  in  ascribing  its  authorship  to  the  monk  Asva- 
ghosa,  the  contemporary  of  Kanishka.  Still,  the  evi- 
dence on  which  this  estimate  is  made  is  scarcelv  such 
as  would  stand  the  severe  tests  of  biblical  critics. 
The  earliest  positive  testimony  seems  to   be  that  of 

1  The  oldest  Buddhist  MSS.  extant  are  of  mediaeval  origin. 

2  Card.  Newman,  in  an  interesting  letter  to  W.  S.  Lilly  on  the 
subject  of  Buddhism  and  Christianity,  very  pertinently  says:  "To 
prove  the  authenticity  and  date  of  one  of  our  Gospels,  we  are  plunged 
into  a  maze  of  manuscripts  of  various  dates  and  families,  of  various 
and  patristic  testimonies  and  quotations,  and  to  satisfy  the  severity  of 
our  critics,  there  must  be  an  absolute  coincidence  of  text  and  concor- 
dance of  statement  in  these  various  manuscripts  put  forward  as 
evidence.  If  a  particular  passage  is  not  found  in  all  discovered 
manuscripts,  it  is  condemned.  .  .  .  Why  are  we  not  to  ask  for  evi- 
dence parallel  to  this  before  we  receive  the  history  of  Buddha  ? "  —  W. 
S.  Lilly,  77/1?  Claims  of  Christianity.     London,  1S94.  Ch.  ii. 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  163 

I-Tsing,  a  Chinese  pilgrim  who  came  to  India  in  673. 
But  if  we  carry  this  testimony  further  back,  as  does 
Professor  Beal,  to  Dhammaraksha,  who  translated  the 
work  into  Chinese  about  400  A.  D.,  it  is  still  too  far 
removed  from  the  time  of  Asvaghosa  to  exclude 
misgivings.^  Allowing  him,  however,  on  the  basis  of 
tn'is  meagre  evidence,  to  have  been  the  contemporary 
of  Kanishka,  who  held  sway  in  Northern  India  from 
78  to  about  106  A.  U.,  we  can  hardly  be  justified  in 
placing  the  composition  of  his  poem  earlier  than 
70  A.  D.     It  may  well  be  as  late  as   100  A.  D. 

More  widely  known  than  the  BuddJia  Charita  is 
the  Lalita  Vistara  (Book  of  Exploits),  a  work  like- 
wise of  the  Northern  Buddhist  school.  It  describes 
the  life  of  Buddha  down  to  the  time  when  he  preached 
his  first  sermon  at  Benares.  It  is  a  Sanskrit  work  in 
prose,  interspersed  with  many  passages  in  verse, 
which  seem  to  have  been  taken  from  some  poetic 
life  of  Buddha  and  to  have  been  inserted  into  the 
prose  narrative  so  as  to  form  a  harmony.  The  date 
of  this  work,  the  favorite  source  from  which  the 
parallels  to  the  incidents  in  the  early  life  of  our 
Saviour  are  drawn,  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  un- 
certainty. From  the  Chinese  translation,  the  PJin- 
yau-king,  made  about  300  A.  D.,  we  know  that  it  goes 
back  at  least  to  the  third  century  of  our  era.'-^ 

1  Cf.     Introduction  to  the  Buddha  Charita,  S.  B.  E.  XLIX.  and 
the  Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king,  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  p.  xxx. 

2  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  p.  XXV. 


164  Buddhism 

In  the  introduction  to  his  version  of  the  Chinese 
Buddha  Charita,  Professor  Beal,  following  the  Chi- 
nese scholar  Stanislas  Julien,  has  sought  to  identify 
the  Lalita  Vistara  with  the  original  of  the  so-called 
Fo-pcn-hmg-khig,  a  Chinese  life  of  Buddha,  said  to 
have  been  translated  from  an  Indian  source  by  Chu- 
fa-lan  (Gobharana)  about  70  A.  D.  But  this  is  mere 
conjecture/  For  first  of  all,  the  Chinese  version  is 
no  longer  extant,  and  hence  offers  no  basis  for  com- 
parison. It  is  true,  Professor  Beal  thinks  that  a 
number  of  passages  from  a  certain  Pcn-hing-kiiig, 
which  he  found  quoted  in  a  commentary  on  Wong 
Puh's  Life  of  Buddha,  a  work  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, are  from  this  Peti-hing-king ;  for  they  are  not 
identical  with  the  corresponding  passages  in  any 
known  Pen-hing-king,  or  life  of  Buddha,  of  which 
early  Chinese  literature  offers  several  examples/-^ 
But  the  strength  of  this  inference  is  lessened  by 
the  consideration  that  these  quotations  may  have 
been  taken  from  some  P en-hing-king  of  which  no 
record  has  come  down  to  us. 

But  furthermore,  even  if  these  quotations  did 
belong  to  the  early  Chinese  version,  their  general 
similarity  with  corresponding  passages  in  the  Lalita 

1  The  questionable  assertion  of  Max  Miiller  that  the  Lalita  Vistara 
"  was  translated  into  Chinese  76  a.  D."  {History  of  Ancient  Sanskrit 
Literature,  p.  517)  has  been  unsuspectingly  adopted  by  Isaac  Taylor, 
The  Alphabet,  an  Acco7mt  of  the  Origin  and  Development  of  Letters, 
London,  1S83,  vol.  II.  p.  300. 

2  C£.  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  pp.  xvi-xvii. 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  165 

Vt'stara  would  not  necessarily  imply  that  the  latter 
was  the  source  from  which  they  came.  It  is  just  as 
likely  that  they  were  derived  from  the  same  tradi- 
tional source,  perhaps  oral,  perhaps  written,  which 
served  as  a  basis  for  the  Lalita  Vistam,  the  Buddha 
Charita,  and  the  other  forms  of  the  legend  that  have 
come  down  to  us.  This  consideration  seems  not  to 
have  escaped  the  mind  of  Professor  Beal  himself,  for 
only  a  few  pages  further,  he  admits  the  possibility 
of  the  Fo-peii-Jiing  having  been  connected  with  the 
BuddJia  CJiarita  of  Asvaghosa,  or  with  "  the  original 
then  circulating  in  India  on  which  Asvaghosa  founded 
his  poem."  ^  In  his  Buddhism  in  China,  he  is  even 
more  explicit. 

"  We  do  not  know  whether  the  life  of  Buddha  taken  to 
China  a.  d.  72  was  in  any  way  derived  from  this  work  of 
Asvaghosa,  or  whether  he  derived  his  material  from  this 
work ;  but  it  is  likely  that  the  envoys  sent  by  Ming-ti  would  ' 
hear  of  the  writings  of  the  Patriarch  of  the  Northern  Bud- 
dhists, and  it  is  possible  that  the  book  they  took  back  with 
them  was  connected  (either  as  the  original  form  of  it  or  as  a 
digest)  with  the  Buddha  Charita  Kavya  {i.  e.  the  Epic  of 
Buddha)."  ^ 

It  is  plain  that  the  possibility  of  the  Fo-pcn-Jiing 
being  derived  from  the  BjiddJia  Charita,  or  some  other 
source,  as  well  as  from  the  Lalita  Vistara,  is  very 
slender  proof  for  the  existence  of  the  latter  as  early  as 
70  A.  D. 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  xxxi.  2  Op.  cit.  p.  73.     Cf.  also  p.  90. 


i66  Buddhism 

The  rest  of  the  evidence  on  which  the  alleged 
antiquity  of  the  Lalita  Vistara  is  based,  is  equally- 
lacking  in  cogency.  Professor  Foucaux,  who  has 
translated  the  work  into  French,  thinks  it  to  be  as  old 
as  the  Council  of  Kashmir  held  under  King  Kanishka ; 
for  it  is  to  this  council  that  Tibetan  tradition  assigns 
the  fixing  of  the  Northern  Buddhist  canon,  to  which 
the  Lalita  Vistara  belongs.^ 

If  his  argument  were  convincing,  it  would  not  es- 
tablish for  the  work  in  question  a  greater  antiquity 
than  80—105  A.  D.,  for  it  was  some  time  within  this 
period  that  the  council  was  convened.^  But  even 
this  estimate  cannot  be  maintained ;  for,  as  Rhys 
Davids  has  pointed  out,  the  Buddhist  tradition  on 
which  it  rests  has  nothing  to  commend  it.^  The  first 
to  give  an  account  of  the  Council  of  Kashmir  is  the 
Chinese  pilgrim,  Hiouen  Thsang,  who  belongs  to  the 
seventh  century.  Of  a  settlement  of  the  canon,  or  of 
the  Lalita  Vistara,  he  has  not  a  word  to  say,  but 
merely  relates  that  the  monks  contented  themselves 
with  drawing  up  their  commentaries  to  serve  as  an 
explanation  of  the  Tri-pithaka.  A  Tibetan  tradition, 
which  cannot  be  traced  within  six  centuries  of  the 
event,  is  too  uncertain  a  basis  to  build  on. 

There  is  extant  a  Chinese  translation  of  the  Lalita 

1  This  dubious  view  is  adopted  by  Max  Miiller.     Op.  cit.  p.  517. 

2  Vide  supra,  p.  163. 

^  Cf.  Hibbert  Lectures  on  Buddhism,  pp.  197-204;  also  Buddhism, 
P-  239- 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  167 

Vistam,  dating  from  about  300  A.  D.  This  is  the 
earhest  positive  evidence  that  we  have  of  the  existence 
of  the  Sanskrit  original.  It  follows  that  the  latter 
must  be  somewhat  earlier  still.  But  the  presence  in 
it  of  a  striking  incident  that  is  not  to  be  found  in  any 
other  version  of  the  Buddha-legend  of  an  earlier  date 
than  230  A.  D.,  points  to  the  third  century  as  the  time 
when  the  work  was  composed,  or  at  least  when  it 
received  its  present  form.^ 

Besides  the  Buddha  Charita  and  the  Lalita  Vistara, 
there  is  another  Sanskrit  work  which  treats  of  the 
early  days  of  Buddha,  the  so-called  Alahabhiuishkra- 
mana  Sutra,  or  Book  of  the  Great  Reminciation.  Its 
date  is  unknown,  but,  like  the  Lalita  Vistara,  it  does 
not  belong  to  the  Southern  canon.  In  its  original 
form  it  seems  to  have  comprised  only  the  account  of 
Buddha's  flight  from  his  palace  of  pleasure,  and  his 
adoption  of  the  ascetic  life.  Later,  the  other  incidents 
of  Buddha's  life  were  added,  so  as  to  make  a  complete 
narrative  from  his  incarnation  to  the  conversion  of 
his  father,  shortly  after  his  enlightenment  under  the 
Bodhi-tree.  In  general  character  and  style  it  re- 
sembles very  much  the  Lalita  Vistara.  It  was  trans- 
lated into  Chinese  in  588  A.  d.  Of  this  version,  the 
so-called  Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king,  Professor  Beal  has 
made  an  abridged  English  translation  under  the  title, 
The  Romantic  Legend  of  Sakya  Buddha. 

1  Cf.  S.  B.  E.   XIX.  pp.  .x.xvi.  ff.      For    the  striking  incident  to 
which  allusion  is  made,  vide  infra,  p.  21S. 


1 68  Buddhism 

Besides  the  biography  just  mentioned,  the  Chinese 
Buddhist  canon  offers  several  versions  dating  from 
the  first  three  centuries  of  our  era.  Professor  Beal 
has  enumerated  these,  and  indicated  the  contents  of 
the  principal  ones  in  the  introduction  to  his  transla- 
tion of  the  Fo-pen-hing-tsan-king,  the  Chinese  version 
of  the  Buddha  Charita}  These  versions,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Buddha  Charita,  are  of  great  value  as 
witnesses  to  the  character  and  contents  of  the  early 
Buddha-legend. 

There  are  also  Tibetan  versions  of  the  Lalita  Vistara 
and  of  the  Buddha  Charita,  but  they  date,  at  the  very 
earliest,  only  from  the  seventh  century.  The  Life  of 
Buddha,  compiled  by  VV.  W.  Rockhill  from  Tibetan 
traditions,  represents  the  legend  as  developed  by  the 
accretions  of  more  modern  speculations. 

The  earliest  extant  form  of  the  legend  which 
we  have  from  the  Southern  school  is  the  so-called 
Nidana  KatJia.  It  constitutes  the  introduction  to  the 
Jataka,  a  book  of  tales  concerning  Buddha's  former 
lives,  and  was  composed  in  Ceylon  about  the  middle 
of  the  fifth  century.  Its  numerous  references  to  other 
biographies,  now  lost,  show  that  it  was  not  the  first 
written  version  known  to  the  Southern  school.  It 
eives  the  narrative  from  his  incarnation  to  the  visit 
he  made  his  father  soon  after  the  attainment  of 
Buddhaship.  An  excellent  translation  has  been 
made  by  Rhys  Davids,  in  his  Buddhist  Birth  Stories, 

1  S.  B.  E.  vol.  XIX. 


Buddhist  Sacred  Books  169 

or  Jataka  Talcs.  The  chief  portions  of  the  narrative 
may  also  be  found  admirably  translated  in  the  very 
useful  work  of  H.  C.  Warren,  Buddhism  in  Transla- 
tions. 

Practically  identical  with  the  Nidana  KatJia  is  the 
biography  found  in  the  Commentary  on  the  Buddha- 
vansa,  a  work  of  the  fifth  century.  It  has  been  trans- 
lated by  George  Turnour,  in  the  seventh  volume  of 
the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal} 

The  Burmese  hfe  of  Buddha,  of  which  we  possess 
an  excellent  English  version  by  Bishop  Bigandet, 
The  Life  or  Legend  of  Gaudama,  the  Buddha  of  the 
Burmese,  is  largely  a  translation  of  the  Nidana  Katha. 
As  it  is  of  recent  origin,  dating  only  from  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  its  variations  from  the  more  ancient 
form  must  be  set  down  as  the  product  of  later  specu- 
lation. 

The  same  is  true  of  the  biography  compiled  by 
Rev.  R.  S.  Hardy  from  Ceylonese  sources,  both  new 
and  old,  which  he  has  published  in  his  ManuaJ.  of 
Budhism. 

The  Siamese  are  acquainted  with  a  life  of  Buddha 
very  like  the  Burmese  life  of  which  mention  has  just 
been  made.  It  has  been  made  known  to  English 
readers  in  the  work  of  H.  Alabaster,  The  Wheel  of  the 
Law. 

1  pp. 789  ff. 


PART   III 

The  Alleged  Relations  of  Buddhism  With 
Christianity  Examined 


PART    III 

The  Alleged  Relations  of  Buddhism  With 
Christianity  Examined 


CHAPTER 

SURVEY  OF  THE  CHIEF  WORKS  WRITTEN  TO  SHOW 
THE  PRESENCE  OF  BUDDHIST  THOUGHT  IN  THE 
GOSPELS 

The  theory  that  primitive  Christianity  was  influenced  by  Buddhism 
not  held  by  the  majority  of  scholars  —  The  three  chief  advo- 
cates of  the  theory — (i)  Ernst  von  Bunsen  —  Outline  of  his 
argument  —  Critical  view  of  his  defects  —  (2)  Prof.  Rudolf  Seydel 
—  Outline  of  his  argument  —  Critical  view  of  his  defects — (3) 
Arthur  Lillie  —  The  untrustworthy  character  of  his  works — Out- 
line of  his  argument  —  Critical  view  of  his  defects  —  Jesus  not  an 
Essene — Neither  Essenes  nor  Therapeuts  Buddhists — Futility 
of  the  attempt  to  make  John  and  Paul  out  to  be  Gnostics. 

HAS  Christianity  derived  any  of  its  features  from 
the  religion  of  Buddha?  This  is  a  question 
that  naturally  presents  itself  to  the  student  of  Bud- 
dhism. From  the  majority  of  those  most  competent  to 
pronounce  on  the  question,  it  has  received  a  negative 
answer.  Among  these  are  the  eminent  Indianists, 
H.  Oldenberg,  A.  Barth,  E.  Hardy,  Rhys  Davids, 
Monier  Williams,  J.  E.  Carpenter,  E.  W.  Hopkins, 
Alexander  Cunningham,  James  Burgess,  R.  Spence 
Hardy,    as   well    as   distinguished    scholars    like     H. 


174  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Kuenen,  Goblet  d'Alviella,  and  Bishop  Lightfoot. 
Some,  as  Christian  Lassen,  James  Prinsep,  A.  Weber, 
F,  Koppen,  and  James  Fergusson,  have  thought  it 
probable  that  certain  secondary  features  of  Christian- 
ity, such  as  monasticism,  the  veneration  of  saints  and 
relics,  the  use  of  bells,  church  steeples,  rosaries,  are 
of  Buddhist  origin.  Of  these  scholars,  the  first  two 
have  prudently  abstained  from  positive  pronounce- 
ments, having  contented  themselves  with  throwing 
out  a  few  conjectures. 

But  what  with  these  was  at  best  but  conjecture,  has 
been  invested  by  a  few  recent  writers  with  the  dignity 
of  an  established  truth.  Nor  have  they  been  content 
with  the  limited  influence  on  Western  thought  which 
scholars  like  Lassen  and  Prinsep  have  attributed  to 
Buddhism,  but  have  sought  to  prove  that  the  Gospel 
narrative  of  the  life  and  teachings  of  Christ  is  but  a 
modified  version  of  the  Buddha-legend,  embellished 
with  extracts  from  the  Buddhist  sutras. 

The  champions  of  this  theory  are  chiefly  three. ^ 
The  first  to  write  a  lengthy  treatise  on  the  subject  was 
Ernst  von  Bunsen,"  who  in   1880  brought  before  the 

1  The  other  advocates  of  this  theory  have  done  naught  else  than 
repeat  the  arguments  of  the  (three  authors  under  consideration. 
Hence,  there  is  no  call  for  a  special  refutation  of  their  several  hack- 
neyed productions. 

-  Mr.  Bunsen  seems  to  have  found  the  suggestion  of  his  work  in 
an  article  entitled,  Der  Essdisnius  nnd Jesus,  which  Prof.  A.  Hilgenfeld 
published  in  his  Zeitschrift  filr  wisseitschaftliche  Thcolos^e,  1867,  10,  pp. 
97  ff.  and  in  which  he  advocated  the  theory  that  Jesus  adopted  Essene 
teachings  and  customs  remotely  of  Buddhist  origin. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         175 

public  The  Angel  Messiah  of  Buddhists,  Essenes,  and 
Christians. 

A  rapid  glance  through  the  pages  of  this  tedious 
volume  is  enough  to  convince  the  discreet  reader 
that  it  is  little  more  than  a  tissue  of  worthless 
speculations,  for  which  there  is  not  a  shred  of  sound 
historic  proof,  nay,  which  are  often  out  of  joint  with 
the  facts. 

His  theory  is  that  the  notion  of  an  incarnate  Angel- 
Messiah  originated  with  the  Zoroastrian  Magi  of 
Babylon.  Buddha  imported  this  and  other  Zoroas- 
trian doctrines  into  India.  The  Magi  communicated 
them  through  Daniel  to  the  Essenes.  The  opening 
of  communications  between  the  East  and  the  West, 
after  Alexander's  conquests,  enabled  the  Essenes  to 
become  acquainted  with  the  legendary  lore  that  cen- 
tred around  Buddha.  Christ  was  an  Essene,  and 
being  regarded  like  Buddha  as  an  Angel-Messiah, 
came  after  his  death  to  have  these  legends  applied  to 
Himself 

In  trying  to  make  good  this  series  of  propositions, 
which  betray  on  their  face  a  lack  of  sound  scholar- 
ship, the  author  has  employed  methods  the  very 
opposite  of  scientific. 

Take,  for  example,  the  fundamental  idea  in  his 
treatise,  that  the  Essenes  looked  to  an  Angel-Messiah, 
/.  c.,  to  a  divine  spirit  of  heaven  destined  to  assume 
human  form,  to  free  mankind  from  the  fetters  of  sin. 
That  this  notion  formed  part  of  Essene  belief,  no  his- 


176  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

torian  of  repute  has  made  bold  to  affirm.  It  has 
remained  for  Mr.  Bunsen  to  try  to  estabhsh  its  his- 
torical reality  by  a  process  of  reasoning  that  is  sadly 
lacking  in  coherence. 

"  The  Essenes,"  he  tells  us,  "  believed  in  angels 
and  they  also  may  have  believed  in  an  Angel- 
Messiah."  ^  He  finds  that  the  first  direct  evidence 
of  this  belief  dates  from  about  100  A.D. —  a  date,  it 
must  be  owned,  somewhat  late  for  his  purpose  ^ — in 
the  person  of  a  certain  Elkesai,  said  by  Epiphanius 
to  have  been  a  Jew  who  joined  the  sect  of  the 
Essenes  and  wrote  a  prophetic  book.  According 
to  others,  he  was  the  founder  of  the  Mendaean  sect. 
Referring  to  Hippolytus  ^  (who,  by  the  way,  carefully 
distinguishes  the  Elkesaites  from  the  Essenes),  Mr. 
Bunsen  informs  us  that  Elkesai  is  said  to  have  got 
his  book  from  the  Parthians  in  the  city  Serae,  which 
he  takes  to  mean  China.  After  connecting,  by  one 
of  his  feats  of  philology,  Elkesai  the  Jew  with  the 
Casdim,  or  Assid^eans,  of  Palestine,  he  makes  the 
suggestion  that  Elkesai's  book  was  a  Chinese- 
Buddhist  work.  The  reason  he  gives  is  both  curious 
and  characteristic. 

''The  connection  of  Elkesai-Buddha's  doctrines  with  the 
East  is  proved  beyond  dispute  by  the  recorded  fact  that  the 
Mendseans,  before  being  received  into  the  Christian  sect, 
had  solemnly  to  renounce  Zoroaster,  whose  doctrines  were 
by  Buddha  more  generally  introduced  into  India." 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  103.  2  Refutation  of  Heresies,  B.  IX.  ch.  ix. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         177 

Before  admitting  the  indisputable  force  of  this 
argument,  most  readers  would  naturally  look  for 
proofs  that  Elkesai  was  a  Mendaean,  and  that  Buddha's 
teaching  was  borrowed  from  Zoroaster.  But  these 
proofs  are  not  forthcoming.  Neither  does  it  seem  to 
have  occurred  to  Mr.  Bunsen  that  if  Elkesai  was  a 
Mendaean,  he  could  not  have  been  an  Essene ;  for 
the  triumphant  conclusion  of  it  all  is,  "  Since  Elkesai 
was  a  prophet  among  the  Essenes,  these  seem  to  have 
believed  in  an  Angel-Messiah,  and  this  Essenic  tradi- 
tion may  have  been  of  Chinese-Buddhistic  origin."  ^ 

No  less  astonishing  is  his  distortion  of  facts  too 
plain  to  be  easily  mistaken. 

The  simple  statement  of  Jerome  that  some  ancient 
writers  took  Philo  to  be  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Wisdom  is  soberly  appealed  to  as  proof  that  this  was 
Jerome's  view  as  well.^ 

Eusebius,  he  asserts,  thought  it  highly  probable 
that  Buddhist  traditions  had  been  introduced  into  the 
New  Testament  writings,  and  in  confirmation  directs 
the  astonished  reader  to  the  passage  in  his  CJiurch 
History  (II.  17)  where  Eusebius,  utterly  ignoring  the 
Buddhists,  aims  to  show  that  the  Therapeuts  were 
Christians.^ 

The  assertion  of  Clement  of  Alexandria  that  Mary, 
in  giving  birth  to  our  blessed  Saviour,  did  not  lose  the 
physical  signs  of  virginity,  is  twisted  into  a  denial  by 

^  Op.  cit.  pp.  1 1 2-1 1 5.  2  Op.  cit.  p.  94. 

3  Op.  cit.  pp.  51,  99. 

12 


178  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Clement  of  the  virgin-birth  of  Christ,  and  made  to  do 
proof  that  he  did  not  interpret  Isaias,  vii.  14,  as  pro- 
phetic of  Christ's  miraculous  conception. 

Moreover,  since  Clement  makes  no  mention  here 
of  the  account  in  MattJiciv  of  the  virgin-motherhood 
of  Mary,  the  conclusion  is  drawn  that  this  Gospel 
passage  is  an  interpolation  of  later  date  than  the  time 
of  Clement.^  Such  blunders  would  be  inexcusable, 
even  if  Clement's  homily  on  this  very  passage  of 
Isaias  were  not  extant,  in  which  he  both  interprets 
it  of  Christ's  virgin-birth  and  also  makes  explicit 
reference  to  Matthciv,  i.  23. 

Examples  like  these,  unfortunately  too  numerous  in 
Mr.  Bunsen's  work,  are  supplemented  by  other 
serious  defects.  His  imagination  overrides  his  judg- 
ment, and  riots  in  a  profusion  of  erroneous  sugges- 
tions, and  worthless  assumptions.  He  never  tires  of 
recurring  to  religious  art  symbols  and  zodiacal  signs,^ 
the  constellation  Pleiades  being  the  favorite  key  to 
many  religious  problems.  He  is  the  philologian  run 
mad,  making  startling  identifications  of  names  the 
most  remote,  which  identifications  are  then  pressed 
into  service  for  purposes  of  argument.  Homer  and 
the  Homerides  are  connected  with  Gomer  and  the 
Arabian  Gomerides ;  the  Casdim  are  the  Assidaeans; 
John    the  Baptist  (Ashai)  means  John    the    Essene ; 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  109. 

-  It  is  easy  to  recognize  in  this  part  of  liis  work  a  revival  of  the 
obsolete  speculations  of  the  French  atheists  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Cf,  Volney,  Les  rjiincs,  Ch.  xxii,  §  xiii. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         179 

Pharisee  is  the  same  as  Pharsis,  the  Arabian  (!)  name 
for  the  Persians ;  Pythagoras  is  the  Greek  form  of 
the  compound  word  Buddha-guru/ 

But  what  is  more  astonishing  still  is  to  find  the 
flimsy  suggestions  and  unwarranted  conjectures  of 
earlier  chapters  turning  up  later  as  established  truths, 
to  become  the  stepping-stones  to  further  conclusions. 
These  serious  defects,  together  with  the  grossly 
exaggerated  parallelism  which  he  seeks  to  make 
good  between  the  Buddha-legend  and  the  Gospel 
story  of  Christ,  stamp  the  work  as  utterly  unscien- 
tific and  untrustworthy.  Professor  Kuenen  '^  in  his 
Hibbert  Lectures  has  scored  it  with  the  severity  it 
deserves. 

Far  superior  to  Mr.  Bunsen  in  method,  reasoning, 
and  style,  is  Professor  Rudolf  Seydel,  who,  drawing 
inspiration  from  Mr.  Bunsen's  work,  published  two 
years  later  his  own  dissertation  on  the  indebtedness 
of  Christianity  to   Buddhism.^     After    trying    in    the 

^  His  pronouncement  on  Pythagoras  may  bear  repeating  in  an 
abridged  form,  as  a  further  illustration  of  his  visionary  mind  and 
looseness  of  thought.  Pythagoras,  he  tells  us  on  the  authority  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  was  generally  thought  to  have  been  a  bar- 
barian. This  word  seems  to  have  been  formed  after  the  Indian 
"  varvara  "  and  would  thus  have  meant  originally  a  "black  skinned 
man  with  woolly  hair."  He  was  thus  a  Hamite.  Now  the  Hamites 
of  Genesis  are  cognate  with  the  Homeric  "  Ethiopians  from  the 
East,"  and  these  migrated  from  India  to  the  West.  Pythagoras  was 
thus  connected  by  barbarian  descent  with  India.  This  explains  his 
acquaintance  with  Indian  Bodhi  or  Wisdom.     Op.  cit.  p.  68. 

-  Natural  Religion  and  Universal  Religions.     London,  18S2,  p.  235. 

^  Das  Evangelium  von  /esu  in  seiiten  Verhdltnissoi  zu  Btuidha-sage 
laid  Bnddha-lehre.     Leipzig,  18S2. 


i8o  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

first  part  of  his  treatise  to  establish  the  prechristian  ' 
origin  of  the  Buddhist  scriptures  from  which  he 
draws,  he  devotes  the  bulk  of  the  volume  (pp.  105- 
293)  to  an  exhaustive  comparison  of  the  points 
of  resemblance  which  he  has  found  in  the  two 
religions.  These  points  of  resemblance,  fifty-one  in 
number,  he  then  proceeds  to  separate  into  three 
classes. 

The  first  class  includes  those  which  may  be  readily 
explained  without  the  hypothesis  of  a  borrowing  on 
either  side. 

The  second  class  embraces  such  as  from  their 
detailed  agreement  are  less  likely  to  be  of  independ- 
ent origin. 

To  each  of  these  two  classes  he  assigns  twenty- 
three  parallels.  The  five  remaining  parallels  consti- 
tute the  third  class,  being  of  such  a  nature  that  they 
can  be  satisfactorily  explained  only  on  the  ground  of 
Buddhist  origin.  They  are,  ist,  the  presentation  of 
the  infant  Jesus  in  the  temple  compared  with  that 
of  the  infant  Buddha;  2d,  the  fast  of  Jesus  and  that 
of  Buddha;  3d,  the  pre-existence  of  Jesus  and  of 
Buddha  in  heaven;  4th,  the  episode  of  Nathaniel  and 
the  fig-tree  in  John,  i.  46  ff".,  which  Professor  Seydel 
connects  with  the  legend  of  the  Bodhi-tree ;  5th,  the 
episode  of  the  man  born  blind  {John,  ix.  1-4)  which 
is  declared  to  have  no  place  in  Jewish  thought. 

If   Christianity    has    borrowed    these    points    from 
Buddhism,  he  argues,  the  presumption  is  very  strong 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         i  8 1 

that  the  resemblances  of  the  second  class  are  likewise 
of  Buddhist  origin. 

But  how  account  for  this  actual  borrowing  on  the 
part  of  Christianity  ?  Professor  Seydel  thinks,  though 
he  is  unable  to  prove,  that  at  the  time  of  the  forma- 
tion of  the  synoptic  Gospels,  there  existed  a  poetic- 
apocalyptic  Gospel  strongly  colored  by  Buddhistic 
traditions,  which  the  writers  of  our  canonical  Gospels 
made  use  of.  These  traditions  had  ample  oppor- 
tunity to  make  their  way  to  the  West,  for  there 
was  a  constant  communication  between  Greece  and 
India  from  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquest. 

If  Professor  Seydel  had  succeeded  in  making  good 
the  several  points  of  his  argument,  the  conclusion 
that  Christianity  is  largely  indebted  to  Buddhism 
would  have  been  irresistible.  But  it  is  just  here  he 
has  .egregiously  failed.  The  capital  fault  of  the 
work  is  its  excessive  subjectiveness.  The  five  cases 
which  he  thinks  point  unmistakably  to  Buddhist  in- 
fluence on  Christianity  prove,  on  examination,  to  be 
the  weakest  sort  of  evidence.  Many  of  the  alleged 
points  of  resemblance  in  the  second  class  of  parallels 
are  purely  fanciful.  Others  are  exaggerated ;  while 
not  a  few  are  drawn  from  Buddhist  sources  that 
are  later  in  date  than  the  Gospels.  The  presence 
in  Palestine  of  a  Buddhistic-apocalyptic  Gospel  as  the 
actual  source  of  the  alleged  Christian  borrowings,  is 
purely  a  figment  of  his  imagination.  There  is  not  a 
trace  of  it  in  apocryphal  writings,  not  a  mention  of 


I  82  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

it  in  history.  It  is,  moreover,  incompatible  with  the 
early  date  of  the  Gospels. 

These  defects  have  been  ably  pointed  out  by  Pro- 
fessor Seydel's  critics,  H.  Oldenberg,  ^  E.  Hardy,  ^  and 
J.  E.  Carpenter,^  with  the  unanimous  verdict  that  his 
thesis  is  not  proven. 

The  third  writer  who  has  tried  to  demonstrate  the 
indebtedness  of  Christianity  to  Buddhism,  is  Arthur 
Lillie.  The  inferior  of  Professor  Seydel  both  in  mental 
grasp  and  in  method  of  exposition,  he  has  surpassed 
him  in  prolificness.  He  is  the  author  of  no  less  than 
four  books  dealing  with  the  subject  under  review : 
Buddha  and  Early  BiiddJiisni,  London,  1881;*  TJie 
Popular  Life  of  Buddha,  London,  1883  ;  Buddhism 
in  Christendom  or  Jesus  the  Essene,  London,  1885; 
and  The  Influence  of  Buddhism  on  Primitive  Chris- 
tianity,  London,  1893.  But  the  matter  in  these 
volumes,  stripped  of  its  repetitions,  of  its  false,  inac- 
curate, and  unwarranted  statements  and  inferences, 
would  be  reduced  to  the  compass  of  a  very  small 
book,  the  loss  of  which  would  be  little  felt  in  the 
world  of  scholars. 

Scarcely    less    visionary   than    his    precursor    Mr. 

1  Theologische  Literattirzeitung,  1882,  no.  18,  p.  415. 

2  Der  Buddkis?niis,  ch.  7. 

•^  Mod.  Rev.  July,  18S2,  pp.  620,  ff.  Professor  Seydel  published 
a  rejoinder  to  his  critics,  Die  Buddha-legende  tind  das  Leben  Jcsii  iiach 
den  Evangelien.  Leipzig,  1884.  It  is  little  more  than  an  abridg- 
ment of  his  former  work,  and  is  vitiated  by  the  same  defects. 

*  The  American  edition  published  in  New  York,  1882,  is  the  one 
referred  to  in  this  work. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         183 

Bunsen,  he  shows  the  same  fondness  for  zodiacal 
signs  as  a  key  to  religious  problems,  and  dilates 
with  supreme  satisfaction  on  his  theory  of  the 
Buddhist  origin  of  the  symbols  of  Christian  art.  He 
is  constantly  mistaking  for  facts  the  dictates  of  his 
fancy,  and  repeatedly  fails  to  see  things  as  they  are. 

The  well-known  passage  in  which  Philo  ^  gives 
instances  from  different  nations  of  the  life-long  prac- 
tice of  virtue,  mentioning  in  order  the  seven  wise 
men  of  Greece,  the  Magi  of  Persia,  the  Gymnoso- 
phists  of  India,  and  the  Essenes  of  Palestine,  is  cited 
as  convincing  proof  that  the  Essenes  were  of  the 
same  faith  as  the  Buddhists,  and  is  made  the  basis 
for  the  still  more  remarkable  statement  that  Philo's 
testimony  shows  that  the  "religions  of  Babylon, 
Palestine,  Egypt,  and  Greece  were  undermined  by 
certain  kindred  mystical  societies  organized  by 
Buddha's  missionaries  under  the  various  names  of 
Therapeuts,  Essenes,  Neo-Pythagoreans,  Neo-Zoro- 
astrians,  etc.  Thus  Buddhism  paved  the  way  for 
Christianity."  ^ 

He  expects  the  reader  to  take  his  word  for  the 
soundness  of  his  assertion  that  "  the  new  Zoroaster, 
Elijah,  Pythagoras,  and  Laotse  all  drew  their  inspira- 
tion from  Buddha."  ^  He  tells  us  in  confidence  that 
the  writers  of  the  canonical  Gospels   "  thought  it  no 

1  Ch.  ix.  of  his  essay,  Every  Virtuous  Man  is  Fne. 
^  Injluetice    of   Buddhism    on    Prifu.     Christianity,    pp.    104-105. 
Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  6. 

3  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhistn,  \>.  2C0. 


184  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

sin  to  draw  on  the  Alexandrine  library  of  Buddhist 
books  for  much  of  their  matter,"  though  he  does  not 
see  fit  to  make  known  the  source  of  this  interesting 
piece  of  information.^  He  tries  to  persuade  us  that 
the  Buddhists  of  Ceylon  are  theists  in  the  face  of  the 
Ceylonese  priests  who  have  declared  officially  that 
Buddhism  teaches  the  highest  goodness  without  a 
God.2 

Indianists  must  open  their  eyes  wide  to  be  told 
in  his  several  volumes  that  "  through  Buddhism  the 
institution  of  caste  was  assailed  and  overturned ;  "  ^ 
that  "  polygamy  was  for  the  first  time  pronounced 
immoral  and  slavery  condemned;"*  that  "woman 
from  a  chattel  was  made  man's  equal ;  "  ^  that  "  con- 
version preceded  by  baptism  and  a  confession  of  sins 
was  an  originality  of  Buddhism;"^  that  the  chief 
Buddhist  rite  was  a  bread  oblation  ; '  that  the  Lalita 
Vistara  represents  the  oldest  form  of  Buddhism ;  ^ 
that  the  White  Lotus  of  DJiarma  {Lotus  of  the  True 
Law)  is  one  of  the  oldest  Buddhist  books ;  ^  that 
Japan  was  evangelized  from  Ceylon  and  that  its 
Buddhism  is  of  the  Southern  school ;  '^^  that,  accord- 

1  Influence,  p.  3. 

2  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  pp.  15-17.  Cf.  Olcott,  A  Buddhist 
Catechism  according  to  the  Canon  of  the  Southern  Church.  Boston, 
18S5,  p.  61. 

3  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  Introd. 

*  Ibid.  ^  Ibid. 

6  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  188. 

'  Ibid.  p.  18S.  *  Ibid.  p.  70. 

9  Ibid.   p.  70.  ^^  Ibid.  p.  17. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         185 

ing  to  the  Buddha-legend,  Buddha  spent  six  years 
under  the  Bo  (Bodhi)  tree/  and  that  he  converted 
and  baptized  Mara,  the  tempter.- 

Statements  Hke  these  are  after  all  not  so  astonish- 
ing from  one  who  dares  to  run  counter  to  the  strong 
current  of  modern  scholarship,  in  asserting  that  ori- 
ginal Buddhism  was  based  on  belief  in  a  supreme 
God  ^  and  in  a  future  life  of  conscious  happiness ; 
and  that  the  so-called  atheistic  creed  was  introduced 
into  Northern  Buddhism  during  the  reign  of  King 
Kanishka.  Still,  from  a  man  who  sets  himself  up  as 
an  enlightener  of  benighted  Christians,  one  has  a 
right  to  expect,  at  least,  such  accuracy  of  statement 
as  betokens  a  discerning  and  critical  mind.  But 
accuracy  is  not  one  of  Mr.  Lillie's  virtues. 

He  gravely  informs  his  readers  that  Christianity 
"  proclaimed  three  Gods  instead  of  one ;  "  ^  and  the 
account  given  by  the  Abbes  Hue  and  Gabet  of  the 
rite  in  which  certain  fanatic  Lamas  were  wont  to 
draw  a  knife  across  the  abdomen  and  expose  the 
bowels  with  apparent  impunity,  a  thing  which  they 
learned  from  hearsay  and  not  from  personal  observa- 
tion, is  distorted  into  a  "  report  that  they  saw  a 
Bokte  rip  open  his  own  stomach  in  the  great  court 
of  the  Lamaserie  of  Rache  Tchurin  in  Tartary."  ^ 

1  Ibid.  p.  44.  2  Jii^i^  p.  ^^. 

3  The  pretended  theism  of   Asoka  —  Mr.  Lillie's   main  proof  — 
rests  on  incorrect  translations  of  the  rock-edicts. 
^  Influence,  p.  22. 
^  Buddha  and  Early  BndJkistn,  p.  47. 


1 86  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

The  rite  of  initiation  into  the  order  of  monks, 
practised  by  the  Buddhists  of  Nepal  —  a  rite  of 
three  days'  duration  consisting  of  a  tedious  succes- 
sion of  prayers,  offerings,  and  sprinkhngs,  and  pre- 
senting but  the  remotest  analogy  to  the  baptismal 
ceremony  of  the  Catholic  Church  —  is,  according  to 
Mr.  Lillie,  so  like  the  Catholic  rite  of  baptism  "  that 
Rhys  Davids  may  be  excused  for  holding  it  of  Per- 
sian Gnostic  origin."  ^  Here  the  presumption  is 
conveyed  to  the  unsuspecting  reader  that  the  writer 
is  not  talking  at  random,  for  he  makes  reference  to 
Rhys  Davids's  Buddhism,  p.  2o6;  but  if  the  reader 
were  to  take  the  pains  to  verify  this  reference,  he 
would  find,  to  his  astonishment,  that  what  the  dis- 
tinguished author  considers  a  possible  derivation 
from  Persian  Gnosticism  is  not  this  Buddhist  rite  at 
all,  of  which  there  is  not  the  slightest  mention,  but 
the  metaphysical  notion  of  the  Adi-Buddha  ! 

An  elementary  knowledge  of  Mr.  Fergusson's 
well-known  handbook  of  architecture  would  have 
saved  Mr.  Lillie  from  so  gross  a  blunder  as  to  say: 
"  Mr.  James  Fergusson  was  of  opinion  that  the  vari- 
ous details  of  the  early  Christian  Church,  nave,  aisles, 
columns,  semi-domed  apse,  cruciform  ground  plan, 
were  borrowed  en  bloc  from  the  Buddhists."  ^  Had 
he  even  taken  the  pains  to  examine  Mr.  Fergusson's 
admirable  work  on  Indiaji  and  Eastern  Architecture, 

1  Buddha  aiid  Early  Buddhism,  p.  57. 

2  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  206.  —  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism, 
p.  I  S3.  —  Influence,  p.  177. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         i  87 

to  which  he  refers,  he  would  have  seen  that  there  is 
not  a  single  cruciform  ground-plan  in  all  the  Bud- 
dhist temples  of  India  ;  he  would  likewise  have  learned 
from  pages  120,  177,  and  183-184,  that  Mr.  Fergus- 
son,  far  from  bearing  out  his  assertion,  attributes  to 
Buddhist  architecture,  in  its  later  developments,  very 
strong  Greek  influence.^  But  because  Mr.  Fergusson 
pointed  out  (p.  117)  the  curious  resemblance  of 
the  cave-temple  of  Karle  to  the  choir  of  Norwich 
cathedral,  Mr.  Lillic,  in  whose  mind  resemblance 
always  means  dependence,  gratuitously  attributed 
to  him  the  borrowing  en  bloc  of  Christian  archi- 
tecture from  Buddhist  models.  This  remarkable 
bit  of  fancy  sketching  adorns  at  least  three  of  his 
volumes. 

The  impression  thus  derived  of  Mr.  Lillie's  prone- 
ness  to  error,  is  by  no  means  relieved  by  his  way  of 

1  What  Mr.  Fergusson  says,  p.  183,  is  worth  quoting:  "If,  for 
instance,  it  is  not  true  that  the  King  of  Taxila,  in  the  first  century 
spoke  good  Greek,  as  Apollonius  of  Tyana  would  persuade  us  he 
did,  we  know  at  least  that  he  practised  Greek  architecture.  If  Saint 
Thomas  did  not  visit  Gondophares,  King  of  Gandhara,  in  the  same 
century,  many  at  least  of  his  countrymen  did,  and  there  is  no  a  priori 
reason  why  he  should  not  have  done  so  also.  ...  In  short,  when  we 
realize  how  strongly  European  influence  prevailed  in  Gandhara  in  the 
first  five  or  si.x  centuries  after  Christ,  and  think  how  many  thousands, 
it  may  be,  millions  crossed  the  Indus  going  Eastward  during  that 
period,  we  ought  not  to  be  surprised  at  any  amount  of  Western 
thought  or  art  we  may  find  in  India."  It  is  his  conviction  "  that  in 
the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era,  the  civilization  of  the  West 
exercised  an  influence  on  the  arts  and  religion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  part  of  India  far  greater  than  has  hitherto  been  suspected."  Cf. 
also  Tree  and  Serpent  Worship,  pp.  97-9S,  161,  note,  and  221. 


I  88  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

dealing  with  the  Gospels  and  with  Gospel  teaching. 
The  credulity  he  displays  in  ascribing  a  prechrisdan 
antiquity  to  everything  Buddhisdc  is  in  striking  con- 
trast with  his  opposidon  to  the  best  results  of  sound 
biblical  criticism.  Assuming  the  role  of  the  most  radi- 
cal of  cridcs,  he  champions  the  andquated  theory  ^ 
of  Hilgenfeld  and  Renan  that  the  so-called  Gospel 
according  to  the  Hehreivs,  the  Gospel  of  the  Ebionites, 
was  the  primitive  Gospel  and  the  source  of  much  in 
Matthew  and  Luke.  The  canonical  Gospels  he  throws 
into^he  second  century,  and  discovers  interpolations 
on  every  other  page.^ 

In  his  interpretadon  of  Scripture  he  displays  a  lack 
of  knowledge  that  is  even  less  excusable.  He  quotes 
approvingly  a  passage  from  a  work  of  L.  Jacolliot  — 
a  writer  ignored  by  the  scholars  of  France  —  in  which 
the  predicdon  of  Christ  that  his  followers  would 
suffer  persecudon,  even  from  their  nearest  relatives 
{Matthezv,  x.  21),  is  made  to  read  as  if  Christ  bade 
the  brother  deliver  up  the  brother  to  death.'^ 

The  familiar  story  in  Luke  (v.  18-26)  of  the  mirac- 
ulous cure  which  Christ,  in  proof  of  His  power  to 
forgive  sins,  wrought  in  the  man  sick  of  palsy,  is 
appealed  to  as  evidence  that  Christ  held  certain 
maladies  to  be  the  consequences  of  sinful  conduct  in 
previous  lives,  "  for  He  disdnctly  announced  that  the 

1  Cf.  Holtzman,  Einleitung  in  das  Neiu  Testament,  Freiburg,  1S98, 
p.  48S. 

2  Influence,  ch.  vi.  ^  Influence,  p.  57. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         189 

cure  was  effected  not  by  any  physical  processes,  but 
by  annulling  the  sins  which  were  the  cause  of  his 
malady."  ^ 

The  words  of  Christ  in  Matthew,  xix.  ii,  12,  con- 
cerning the  eunuchs  who  have  made  themselves  such 
for  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  are  brought  forth,  together 
vj\th.Apoc.  xiv.  1-4,  as  proof  that  He  enjoined  celibacy 
on  his  followers.^  The  decision  of  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem  that  the  Gentile  converts  should  observe 
the  Mosaic  custom  of  abstaining  from  things  strangled 
and  from  blood  {Acts,  xv.  28-29)  is  distorted  into  an 
absolute  prohibition  to  use  any  kind  of  flesh  meat  as 
food.^ 

The  words  of  the  angel  to  Zachary  that  the  son  to 
be  born  to  him  shall  drink  no  wine  or  strong  drink, 
coupled  with  other  texts,  as  Mark,  xv.  23,  Apoc.  xviii. 
3,  and  xxi.  17,  are  made  to  do  proof  that  abstinence 
from  wine  was  likewise  exacted  of  the  primitive 
Christians.* 

1  Itijliuiice,  p.   55. 

2  Influence,  p.  141.  —  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  210. 
^  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhisju,  p.  211. 

*  Ibid.  Mr.  Lillie  is  open  to  the  charge  of  reasoning  in  a  circle. 
In  his  I)ifluence  of  Buddhism  on  Primitive  Christianity,  p.  140,  argu- 
ing that  Christ  was  an  Essene  on  the  ground  of  resemblances  in 
doctrine  and  practice,  he  notes  that  Christ  imitated  the  Essenes  in 
giving  a  new  name  to  converts.  This  bit  of  information  in  regard  to 
the  Essenes  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  ancient  writer.  Its  source  is 
Mr.  Lillie's  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhistn,  p.  190,  where  we  read, 
"  From  the  example  of  Christ  we  may  infer  that  the  Essenes  gave  a  new 
name  to  their  converts''' 

His  memory  fails  him  at  times,  as  when  on  p.  213  of  his  Buddha 


I  go  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Grave  errors  like  these  are  hardly  calculated  to 
inspire  confidence  in  the  teacher  who  has  taken  on 
himself  the  mission  of  leading  his  fellow-men  from 
the  gloom  of  Christianity  into  the  light  of  Buddhism. 
Still  men  may  make  mistakes  in  detail  and  at  the 
same  time  be  right  in  their  main  line  of  argument. 
Can  this  much  at  least  be  said  of  Mr.  Lillie? 

Mr.  Lillie's   thesis   is  that  the  Buddhist  origin   of 
Christianity,  which    is  patent   from  the   close   agree- 
ment   it    shows    with    the    legend    and    teachings    of 
Buddha,   finds    its    explanation    in    the    Essenism    of 
Jesus,   and  in  the   Gnosticism   of  the   writers  of  the 
New  Testament.     Now  the  Essenes,  like  their  closely 
related    cenobites    in    Egypt,    the    Therapeuts,  were 
monks  of  Buddhist  parentage,  imbued  consequently 
with  the  same  traditions  that  characterized  the  dis- 
ciples of  Buddha  in  India  and  elsewhere.     Gnosticism 
was  likewise  Buddhist  metaphysics.     And  so  Chris- 
tianity  could    be   naught  else   than   a  new  phase   of 
Buddhism,  since  Jesus  was  an  Essene  and  Paul  and 
John  were  Gnostics. 

This  is  practically  the  same  argument  as  that  of 
Mr.  Bunsen,  and  its  exposition  is  characterized  by 
the  same    defects.     The  fundamental    principle   run- 

(T/k/  Early  Buddhism  he  argues  that  Jesus  was  an  Essene  and  hence 
a  ]!uddhist,  because  among  other  things  He  allowed  His  head  to  be 
anointed  with  the  precious  spikenard  {Matthew,  xxvi.  7),  while  only 
a  few  pages  before  (p.  192)  he  makes  a  statement  that  undermines 
his  argument  completely:  "  Buddhists  and  Essenes  considered  oil  a 
defilement,  though  it  was  a  sacred  unguent  in  the  Brahmanic  and 
Jewisli  religions." 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         1 9 1 

ning  through  it  all  is  that  resemblance  means  de- 
pendence, a  principle  which,  taken  without  reserve, 
is  sure  to  lead  astray.  This  principle  Mr.  Lillie 
uses  in  the  most  reckless  and  uncritical  manner.  To 
show  the  indebtedness  of  Christianity  to  Buddhism 
he  fancies  analogies  that  have  no  existence,  exagger- 
ates those  that  are  but  remote  and  imperfect,  and 
draws  from  Buddhist  sources  that  by  reason  of  time 
and  distance  could  have  had  no  possible  influence  on 
Christianity,  With  the  agility  of  a  legendary  rishi, 
he  flies  for  proofs,  now  to  a  Chinese  version  four 
or  five  centuries  later  than  the  Gospels,  now  to  a 
Ceylonese  text  of  the- fifth  century,  now  to  a  Burmese 
story  of  modern  times,  now  to  a  rite  in  Tibet  or 
China  or  Japan  that  is  plainly  posterior  to  the 
Christian  rite  with  which  it  is  compared.  Similari- 
ties like  these  are  just  as  valuable  in  his  eyes  as  the 
resemblances  that  are  plainly  prechristian. 

A  similar  looseness  of  thought  is  displayed  in  the 
other  points  of  his  argument.  The  Essenes  and 
Therapeuts  are  declared  to  have  been  Buddhists, 
because  in  their  discipline  and  mode  of  life  they  had 
A  number  of  features  found  likewise  in  Buddhism. 
Jesus  and  John  the  Baptist  are  set  down  as  Essenes 
because  of  a  few  points  of  resemblance  with  Essene 
doctrine  and  practice.  John  and  Paul  were  Gnostics 
because  several  words  found  in  their  writings  were 
words  especially  used  by  the  Gnostics, 

It  needs  but  a  grain  of  common-sense  to  detect  the 


T92  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

sophistry  of  this  kind  of  reasoning.  To  prove  the 
identity  of  A  with  B,  it  does  not  suffice  to  show  that 
they  agree  in  some  particulars  merely.  A  perfect 
agreement  is  needed.  If  there  are  important  facts 
in  which  they  are  at  variance,  they  cannot  be  classed 
together.  Apply  this  principle  to  Mr.  Lillie's  thesis, 
and  the  fair  bubbles  he  has  blown  burst  and  dis- 
appear. 

From  the  accounts  given  of  the  Essenes  by  Jose- 
phus,  Philo,  and  Hippolytus,  we  know  that  the 
Essenes  outdid  the  Pharisees  in  scrupulous  ob- 
servance of  the  Sabbath  rest  and  of  ceremonial 
purity.  They  abstained  from  meat  and  wine,  even 
from  the  custom,  so  common  in  the  East,  of  anoint- 
ing the  body  with  oil.  They  avoided  food  prepared 
by  others  as  pollution.  Bound  together  by  oath  into 
a  rigidly  exclusive  association,  they  held  aloof  from 
the  Temple  feasts,  and  avoided  the  society,  not  only 
of  publicans,  but  of  the  Pharisees  themselves.  Mere 
accidental  contact  even  with  an  Essene  of  lower 
grade  was  held  to  be  defiling,  and  had  to  be  expiated 
by  an  ablution. 

One  must  be  blind  indeed  to  see  an  exemplifica- 
tion of  these  principles  in  the  life  of  Him  who 
avoided  the  society  of  Essenes,  and  chose  for  com- 
panions men  whom  they  despised ;  who  mingled 
freely  with  publicans  and  sinners,  and  partook  of 
their  food ;  who  laid  hands  on  the  sick,  and  healed 
on  the  Sabbath  day;  who  allowed  a  penitent  woman 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers         193 

to  wash  His  feet  with  her  tears,  and  a  pious  female 
host  to  anoint  His  head  with  oil ;  who  supplied  wine 
for  the  guests  at  the  wedding  feast,  and  fish  for  the 
hungry  multitude ;  who  tasted  wine  at  the  Last  Sup- 
per, and  partook  of  the  Paschal  lamb ;  who  took  part 
in  the  Temple  feasts.  The  founder  of  Christianity, 
forsooth,  a  member  of  a  sect  that  from  the  earliest 
times  was  branded  by  Christian  writers  as  a  heresy !  ^ 
Scarcely  less  objectionable  is  Mr.  Lillie's  attempt 
to  prove  that  the  Essenes  and  Therapeuts  were  one 
with  the  Buddhists.  As  in  the  preceding  instance, 
his  chief  reason  is  the  fallacious  argument  from 
partial  resemblance.'-^     Like   the    Buddhists,   the   Es- 

^  Mr.  Lillie  argues  that  John  the  Baptist  was  an  Essene  because 
he  was  an  ascetic.  But  it  would  seem  that  the  Gospel  statement  that 
he  was  a  Nazarite  ought  to  account  satisfactorily  for  his  asceticism, 
unless,  forsooth,  the  Nazarites  of  ancient  Jewish  times  were  also 
Essenes.  The  statement  in  both  Matthew  and  Mark  that  John  fed 
on  locusts  and  wild  honey  is  hardly  in  accord  with  his  alleged  Essene 
belief.  But  Mr.  Lillie  escapes  this  difficulty  by  conveniently  suggest- 
ing that  this  double  text  is  an  interpolation.  When,  moreover,  he 
says  that  John  "  induced  a  whole  people  to  come  out  to  the  desert 
and  adopt  the  Essene  rites  and  their  community  of  goods  "  (////?«- 
ettce,  p.  138),  he  goes  wide  astray,  for  far  from  speaking  like  an  Es- 
sene, John  showed  a  leniency  towards  publicans  and  soldiers  that 
every  Essene  would  have  condemned.  "  There  came  to  him  also 
publicans  to  be  baptized,  and  they  said  unto  him,  Master,  what  must 
we  do?  And  he  said  unto  them,  Extort  no  one  more  than  that  which 
is  appointed  you.  And  soldiers  also  asked  him,  saying,  And  we, 
what  must  we  do  ?  And  he  said  unto  them,  Do  violence  to  no  man, 
neither  exact  anything  wrongfully  and  be  content  with  your  wages.'* 
Luke,  iii.  12-14. 

2  It  is  surprising  to  find  a  scholar  of  Professor  Beal's  ability  led 
astray  by  this  very  fallacy.  Cf.  Abstract  of  Four  Lectures  011  Buddhist 
Literature  in  China,  London,  1882,  pp.  159  ff. 

13 


194  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

senes  and  Therapeuts  were  monks,  committed  to  a 
life  of  celibacy  and  asceticism ;  they  abstained  from 
meat  and  wine,  and  had  all  things  in  common.  But 
unfortunately  for  the  conclusion  that  Mr.  Lillie  has- 
tens to  draw,  there  are  a  number  of  fundamental 
differences  which  show  unmistakably  that  neither  the 
Therapeuts  nor  the  Essenes  conformed  to  Buddhist 
belief  and  practice. 

Granting  what  many  scholars  of  recent  times 
deny,  —  that  the  Therapeuts  really  existed,  —  their 
use  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  and  their  exclusive  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah,  as  well  as  their  custom  of  wearing 
white  robes,  of  eating  only  after  sunset,  and  of  cele- 
brating religious  feasts  late  at  night  in  which  pious 
women  were  allowed  to  participate,  stamp  them  as 
anything  but  Buddhists.^ 

Even  more  striking  still  is  the  contrast  between 
Buddhism  and  Essenism.  To  the  latter  the  yellow 
robe  —  the  distinctive  mark  of  Buddhism — was  un- 
known. While  the  Essene  would  let  himself  starve 
to  death  rather  than  eat  the  food  of  those  not  of  his 
communion,  and  hence  supported  himself  by  the 
labor   of  his  hands,  the   Buddhist  made  it  a   funda- 

^  Since  the  appearance  of  the  book  of  P.  C.  Lucius,  Die  Thera- 
peiiten,  Strassburg,  1879,  the  essay  formerly  ascribed  to  Philo,  On  the 
Coiitemplative  Life,  from  which  our  knowledge  of  the  Therapeuts  is 
drawn,  has  come  to  be  held  by  many  scholars  as  a  spurious  work  of 
Christian  origin.  Cf.  E.  Schiirer.  History  of  the  Jr^vish  People  in  the 
Time  of  Christ,  N.  Y.  iSgi.II.  ii.  p.  218,  and  III.  p.  358  ;  Schaff-Herzog, 
Encyclopedia,  article,  Therapeuts ;  contra,  Smith  &  Wace,  Dictionary 
of  American  Biography,  article,  Philo. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhlst  Writers         195 

mental  rule  to  live  on  the  alms  of  others,  and  ac- 
cepted invitations  to  dine  at  their  homes.  Of  the 
purifying  ablutions  so  essential  to  Essenism,  the 
Buddhist  knew  nothing.  Notwithstanding  their  life 
of  seclusion,  the  Essenes  were  recognized  as  ortho- 
dox Jews.  Their  God  was  the  God  of  Abraham  and 
Isaac  and  Jacob.  Their  legislator,  whose  name  Jose- 
phus  does  not  mention,  but  whom  scholars  gener- 
ally take  to  be  Moses,  was  held  in  reverence  near 
to  excess.  Their  scriptures  were  those  of  Moses 
and  the  prophets,  with  perhaps  a  few  apocalyptic 
works  like  the  book  of  Enocli  and  that  of  the 
Jubilees.  They  strictly  conformed  to  the  law  of 
circumcision.  Their  observance  of  the  Sabbath  rest 
was  most  rigid.  They  rejected  with  horror  images 
and  graven  things.  They  believed  in  a  future  life 
where  the  good  were  eternally  happy  and  the  bad 
eternally  wretched.  A  more  absolute  contrast  be- 
tween Buddhism  and  Essenism  could  not  reasonably 
be  desired  to  disprove  their  alleged  identity.^  When, 
besides,  we  consider  that  in  all  the  Palestinian  Jewish 
literature,  there  is  not  a  trace  of  distinctively  Bud- 
dhist teaching,  when  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  name 
of  Buddha  is  not  once  associated  with  the  Essenes, 
when  we  see  scholars  most  competent  to  pronounce 
on  the  question,  like  Zeller,  Lightfoot,  Schiirer,  Gins- 

1  Cf.  Josephus,    Wars  of  the  Jews,  II.  ch.  8.  —  Hippolytus,  Refuta- 
tion  of  Heresies,  IX.  ch.  13-22  (Vol.  V.  of  Ante-A^icetie  Fathers,  N.V. 
1896). 


196  Buddhism  and  Christianity- 

berg,  Edersheim,  and  Conybeare,  denying  even  a  re- 
mote connection  of  Essenism  with  Buddhism,  we  are 
amply  justified  in  setting  down  the  theory  in  ques- 
tion as  an  absolute  failure.^ 

Mr.  Lillie's  attempt  to  prove  that  Saint  John  and 
Saint  Paul  were  Gnostics  is  so  puerile  as  scarcely  to 
deserve  notice.  Ignoring  the  fact  that  their  teach- 
ings are  toto  coelo  different  from  the  tenets  of  Gnos- 
ticism, he  notes  that  both  the  prologue  of  Saint  John's 
Gospel  and  the  Epistles  to  the  CorintJiians  and  EpJie- 
sians  contain  words  to  which  the  Gnostics  attached  a 
special  meaning.  That  these  words,  such  as  light, 
life,  grace,  truth,  fulness,  word,  generation,  have  in 
the  sacred  texts  the  meanings  peculiar  to  Gnosticism, 
he  does  not  and  cannot  prove ;  hence  his  argument 
is  utterly  valueless.  They  indicate  the  presence  of 
Gnosticism  in  the  New  Testament  just  as  much  and 
just  as  little  as  they  do  in  the  works  of  Plato  and 
other  pre-Gnostic  writers,  where  the  same  words  may 
be  found. 

It  is  idle  to  follow  Mr.  Lillie  in  his  further  attempt 
to  show  the  Buddhist  origin  of  early  Gnosticism,  for 
it   is  quite   irrelevant.     It  is  not  amiss,   however,  to 

1  Mr.  Lillie  makes  too  large  a  demand  on  our  credulity  when  he 
asks  us  to  see  in  Jewish  Essenism  a  new  edition  of  Buddhism  with 
the  great  central  figure,  Buddha,  left  out.  "  The  Buddhists,"  he  says, 
"  appear  not  to  have  obtruded  Sakya  Muni's  name,  but  to  have 
fathered  their  teachings  on  some  local  Buddha."  Buddha  and  Early 
Buddhism,  p.  200.  Buddhism  without  Buddha  is  as  great  a  paradox 
as  Christianity  without  Christ. 


Chief  Pro-Buddhist  Writers  197 

note  that  in  trying  to  make  good  this  point  he  has 
recourse  to  a  fallacy.  The  early  Church  authorities, 
he  argues,  indirectly  witness  to  the  Buddhist  source 
of  early  Gnosticism,  for  they  exacted  of  Gnostic  con- 
verts the  abjuration  of  the  doctrines  of  Bodda  and 
Skuthianos.^  But  the  truth  is  that  those  of  whom 
this  formula  of  abjuration  was  exacted  were  not  the 
early  Gnostics,  but  converts  from  Manichaeism,  a  sect 
of  the  third  century .^ 

Having  thus  got  a  general  idea  of  the  character  of 
the  several  works  that  aim  to  show  the  indebtedness 
of  Christianity  to  Buddhism,  let  us  proceed  to  the 
careful  examination  of  the  main  argument  common 
to  all,  which  is  based  on  the  comparison  of  the  points 
of  resemblance  in  both  religions. 

^   Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  235. 

•^  'AvaOefiaTi^aj  koI  KaTadefiaTi^tc  ZapaSriv  Kal  Bo'55oi'  «aJ  'S.Kvdiayoy, 
rovs  irph  Mai'^x"''^''  yeyovSras.  A.  Galland,  Bibliotheca  Veterum  Pa- 
tritm,  Veiietiis,  1767,  iii.  p.  611. 


CHAPTER  II 

EXAGGERATED  RESEMBLANCES 

Spurious  evidence  used  to  impugn  the   originality  of   the    Gospels 
classified  under  three  heads  :  exaggerations,  anachronisms,  fictions 

—  Exaggerations  —  The  pre-existence  of  Jesus  in  heaven  con- 
trasted with  that  ascribed  to  Buddha  —  Divergent  circumstances 
of  birth — Simeon  versus  Asita  —  The  fast  of  Jesus  compared 
with  that  of  Buddha  —  Unfair  attempts  to  exaggerate  the  re- 
semblances between  the  temptation  of  Jesus  and  that  of  Buddha 

—  The  transfiguration  of  Jesus  without  a  close  counterpart  in  the 
Buddha-legend. 

IN  the  works  of  Bunsen,  Seydel,  and  Lillie,  great 
stress  is  laid  on  the  comparison  of  those  charac- 
teristics that  Buddhism  and  Christianity  are  supposed 
to  have  in  common  ;  for  it  is  argued  that  where  there 
is  resemblance,  there  is  dependence.  Hence,  the 
more  numerous  the  similarities  discovered  in  the  two 
religions,  the  more  imposing  the  evidence  in  proof  of 
Buddhist  influence  on  Christianity. 

Reserving  for  later  discussion  the  soundness  of  the 
principle  that  resemblance  means  dependence,  let  us 
first  put  aside  those  alleged  resemblances  that  have 
no  right  to  a  place  in  the  argument.  The  amount  of 
this  spurious  evidence  is  surprisingly  large ;  for  in 
their  zeal  to  make  the  points  of  contact  as  numerous 
as  possible,  the  writers  in  question  have  gone  far 
beyond  the  limits  of  prudence  and  fairness. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  199 

First,  in  not  a  few  instances,  where  comparison 
would  otherwise  be  legitimate,  the  alleged  resem- 
blance is  grossly  exaggerated  ;  secondly,  a  goodly 
number  of  these  pretended  similarities  are  drawn  from 
Buddhist  sources  that  are  posterior  to  the  Christian ; 
thirdly,  a  still  larger  number  are  pure  fictions.  Let 
us,  then,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  examine,  first,  the 
exaggerations ;  secondly,  the  anachronisms ;  and 
thirdly,  the  fictions,  that  have  been  pressed  into  ser- 
vice to  show  the  indebtedness  of  Christianity  to 
Buddhism. 

EXAGGERATIONS 

Under  the  head  of  exaggerations  should  be  classed 
not  only  those  parallels  that  are  represented  to  be 
much  more  complete  than  the  facts  warrant,  but  those 
as  well  which  at  first  sight  are  striking,  but  which 
prove  on  examination  to  be  of  little  significance  on 
account  of  their  many  points  of  contrast.  VVe  begin 
with  the  latter. 

(i)  Both  Professor  SeydeP  and  Mr.  Lillie  2  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  as  Jesus  is  believed  to  have 
enjoyed  an  existence  in  heaven  previous  to  His  incar- 
nation, so  in  like  manner  Buddha  is  represented  as 
dwelling  in  the  Tusita  heaven  till  the  time  came  for 
his  descent  in  the  form  of  an  elephant  into  his  mother 
Maya.      But  this  parallel  is  not  nearly  so   remarkable 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  295. 

2  Influence  of  Buddhism  on  Primitive  Christianity,  p.  23. 


200  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

as  it  appears  at  first  sight.  The  existence  of  Jesus  in 
heaven  is  unique,  for  it  is  the  existence  of  God  Him- 
self. That  of  Buddha  is  not  extraordinary,  being 
simply  what  was  common  to  hundreds  of  the  Bodhi- 
sattvas,  who  by  the  merits  of  their  previous  births 
raised  themselves  to  this  high  but  impermanent 
condition.  Jesus  existed  in  heaven  from  eternity. 
Buddha's  life  in  the  Tusita  heaven  was  of  very  limited 
extent,  having  been  preceded  by  many  other  kinds  of 
existence,  some  honorable  and  some  without  honor. 
Eighty-three  times  he  had  lived  as  an  ascetic,  fifty- 
eight  times  as  a  king,  twenty-four  times  as  a  Brah- 
man, twenty  times  as  the  god  Sakkha,  forty-three 
times  as  a  tree-god,  five  times  as  a  slave,  once  as  a 
devil-dancer,  not  to  speak  of  animal  existences  as  a 
rat,  pig,  hare,  lion,  jackal,  pigeon,  deer,  and  others. 

It  is  hardly  from  a  source  like  this  that  the  lofty 
conception  of  Christ's  pre-existence  in  heaven  could 
have  been  derived.  And  yet,  strange  to  say.  Professor 
Seydel  holds  this  to  be  one  of  the  five  striking  re- 
semblances that  cannot  be  fitly  explained  except  on 
the  hypothesis  of  a  borrowing  on  the  part  of  Christi- 
anity from  Buddhism. 

(2)  In  the  circumstances  of  the  birth  of  Christ,  all 
three  writers  think  they  find  an  echo  of  the  Buddha- 
legend.^  But  here  again  the  resemblances  are  only 
superficial  and  are  less  remarkable  than  the  contrasts. 

1  Bunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  34.  —  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  136.  —  Lillie,  Influence, 
p.  26. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  201 

It  is  true  that  Christ,  hke  Buddha,  is  of  royal  hne- 
age.  But  Joseph  and  Mary  Hved  in  poverty  and 
obscurity,  whereas  the  parents  of  Buddha  are  de- 
picted as  king  and  queen  reigning  in  great  magnifi- 
cence. 

Maya,  Hke  Mary,  was  delivered  while  on  a  journey. 
But  Maya  was  enjoying  an  excursion  undertaken  at 
her  own  desire,  in  the  company  of  an  immense  pro- 
cession of  gods,  warriors,  and  waiting-women  ;  and  she 
gave  birth  to  her  son  under  the  Sala-tree  with  every 
circumstance  of  luxury  and  splendor  that  oriental 
fancy  could  invent  to  enhance  the  dignity  of  Buddha. 
What  a  striking  contrast  with  the  painful  journey  of 
Mary  to  the  distant  village  of  Bethlehem,  and  the 
humiliating  and  lonely  surroundings  in  which  Jesus 
was  born  ! 

The  Buddha-legend  states  that  at  Buddha's  birth, 
the  earth  was  shaken,  showers  of  perfumed  rain  and 
lotus-blossoms  fell  from  the  cloudless  sky,  while 
heavenly  spirits  sang  and  played  music.  The  latter 
incident  reminds  one  of  the  angel-songs  at  Christ's 
birth,  but  is  not  a  resemblance  of  so  striking  a  char- 
acter as  to  suggest  an  historic  connection.^ 

1  Buddha  Charita,  b.  i.  Eoinantic  Legend  of  Sakya  Buddha,  ch. 
viii.  In  the  latter  is  a  heavenly  song  that  bears  a  resemblance  to 
the  angelic  announcement  to  the  shepherds.  "  To-day  .Bodhisattva 
is  born  on  earth,  to  give  joy  and  peace  to  men  and  devas,  to  shed 
light  in  the  dark  places,  and  to  give  sight  to  the  blind"  (p.  56).  But 
this  song  being  five  centuries  later  than  its  Gospel  parallel  cannot  be 
made  to  tell  against  the  originality  of  the  latter. 


202  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

When  Buddha  was  born,  he  is  said  to  have  taken 
seven  steps  and  to  have  exclaimed :  "  I  am  the 
greatest  being  in  the  whole  world.  I  am  the  best 
guide  in  the  world.     This  my  last  birth."  ^ 

To  this  utterance  which,  for  greater  effectiveness, 
he  gives  in  the  elaborated  form  peculiar  to  the 
Chinese  version  of  the  sixth  century,  The  Romantic 
Legend  of  Sakya  Buddha,  Mr.  Lillie^  brings  forward 
a  parallel,  not  from  the  canonical  Gospels,  but  from 
the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  the  Infancy.  There  the 
divine  Infant,  addressing  Mary  from  His  cradle,  is 
made  to  say : 

*'  I  am  Jesus  the  Son  of  God,  the  Word  whom  thou  didst 
bring  forth  according  to  the  declaration  of  the  angel  Gabriel 
to  thee,  and  my  Father  hath  sent  me  for  the  salvation  of  the 
world." 

Now  if  it  were  to  be  granted  that  this  passage  be- 
trays a  Buddhist  origin,  the  originality  of  the  inspired 
Christian  records  would  not  be  shaken  in  the  least. 
The  fact  that  it  had  a  place  only  in  a  work  rejected  as 
spurious  and  unorthodox,  would  tell  rather  in  favor 
of  the  exclusive  and  independent  character  of  the 
canonical  Gospels.  It  would  not,  indeed,  be  very 
significant  to  find  in  an  apocryphal  work  traces  of 
Buddhist  lore,  since  such  books  are  of  more  recent 
date  than  the  four  Gospels,  and  since,  besides,  some 
of  them  took  their  rise  in  Persia  in  the  interest  of 
heretical  schools. 

^  Lalita  Vistara,  vii.  '  Influence,  p.  27. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  203 

But  the  present  Buddhist  parallel,  reduced  to  its 
primitive  form,  does  not  present  so  remarkable  a 
resemblance  to  the  incident  related  in  the  Gospel  of 
the  Infancy  as  to  call  seriously  into  question  its 
independent  origin.  The  thoughts  to  which  the 
infant  Jesus  and  the  infant  Buddha  are  made  to  give 
expression,  are  not  the  same.  The  only  real  point 
of  agreement  is  the  precocious  use  of  the  faculty  of 
speech.  But  to  account  for  this  similarity,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  have  recourse  to  the  Lalita  Vistara, 
which  is  less  ancient  than  the  Gospel  of  the  InfaJicy. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  incident  attributed  to  the 
infant  Jesus  was  suggested  by  a  too  literal  interpreta- 
tion of  Hebrews,  x.  5-7  : 

"  Wherefore,  when  He  cometh  into  the  world,  He  saith  : 
Sacrifice  and  oblation  thou  wouldst  not,  but  a  body  thou 
hast  fitted  to  use.  Holocausts  for  sin  did  not  please  thee. 
Then  said  I :  behold  I  come.  In  the  head  of  the  book  it  is 
written  of  me  that  I  should  do  Thy  will,  O  God." 

(3)  There  is,  Indeed,  a  rather  striking  resemblance 
between  the  venerable  Simeon  prophesying  the  future 
greatness  of  the  Infant  Jesus,  and  the  aged  rishi  Asita 
foretelling  to  the  king  that  his  infant  son  will  one  day 
become  a  Buddha.  As  might  be  expected,  this 
point  of  comparison  does  not  fail  to  be  set  forth  by 
each  of  the  three  writers  under  review.^  But  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  Gospel  incident  are  quite  unlike 

1  Bunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  36.  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  139.  Lillie,  Influence, 
p.  29. 


204  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

those  of  the  Buddhist  parallel.  Simeon's  prophecy  is 
given  on  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of  Jesus  in 
the  temple.  The  prophecy  over  the  infant  Buddha  is 
made,  not  in  the  temple  of  the  gods,  but  in  the 
palace,  to  which  the  aged  rishi,  on  learning  the  birth 
of  the  wonderful  infant,  betook  himself  by  magic 
flight  from  the  distant  Himalayas.  Simeon,  rejoicing 
that  his  eyes  have  rested  on  the  Saviour  of  Israel,  de- 
clares himself  ready  to  depart  from  earthly  life. 
Asita  weeps  because  he  sees  he  will  not  live  to  see 
the  day  when  the  child  shall  have  attained  to 
Buddhaship.^  It  may  well  be  doubted  whether  stories 
presenting  contrasts  like  these  have  any  affinity  with 
each  other, 

(4)  The  forty  days'  fast  of  Jesus,  with  its  well- 
known  prototypes  in  the  Old  Testament  of  Moses  ^ 
and  of  Elias,^  ought  surely  to  be  one  of  the  last  things 
in  the  Gospel  narrative  to  be  suspected  of  Buddhist 
origin.  Yet  even  here  common-sense  has  had  to  give 
way  to  the  mania  for  discovering  a  Buddhist  pattern 
for  everything  Christian.  But  the  parallel  proposed 
is  anything  but  complete.  The  Buddha-legend  tells 
how  Buddha,  after  overcoming  Mara,  and  attaining  to 
perfect  enlightenment  under  the  Bodhi-tree,  remained 
for  seven  weeks  near  it,  taking  no  food  and  enjoying 

1  Mr.  Bunsen's  statement  that  Asita  "  returns  rejoicing  to  his 
mountain  home,  for  his  eyes  have  seen  the  promised  and  expected 
Saviour"  (Op.  cit.  p.  36),  is  an  e.xample  of  his  gratuitous  apphcation 
of  Scripture  language  to  Buddha-legend. 

2  Ex.  xxxiv.  28.  2  ///  Kiii^s  xix.  8. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  205 

the  bliss  of  emancipation.'  To  make  this  forty-nine 
days'  fast  more  hke  that  of  Jesus,  which  was  followed 
by  the  temptation,  Professor  Seydel,^  in  flat  contradic- 
tion of  the  legend,  pretends  that  this  fast  preceded 
Buddha's  victorious  conflict  and  enliohtenment  under 
the  Bodhi-tree.  Mr.  Lillie^  follows  blindly  in  his 
footsteps,  and  falls  into  the  same  ditch. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  is  one  of  the  five  parallels 
that,  in  the  mind  of  Professor  Seydel,  betray  unmis- 
takably the  presence  in  the  Gospels  of  Buddhist  in- 
fluence. This  story  of  Jesus'  fast,  he  argues,  cannot 
be  original,  for  it  does  not  fit  in  with  the  attitude  of 
Jesus  towards  the  asceticism  of  John  the  Baptist.  But, 
not  to  follow  an  ascetic  life  is  one  thing,  to  avoid  all 
practice  of  fasting  is  another.  That  Jesus  both  prac- 
tised fasting  and  taught  his  disciples  to  fast,  the  Gos- 
pels give  ample  evidence.  Had  Professor  Seydel 
given  this  subject  a  little  more  thought,  he  would 
have  recognized  that  the  same  argument  could  be 
turned  against  the  propriety  of  Buddha's  fast,  since, 
only  a  few  days  before,  he  had  abandoned  as  useless 
the  rigorous  mortifications  of  the  Brahman  ascetics. 

(5)  In  the  Buddha-legend,  there  is  an  analogy  to 
the  Gospel  story  of  the  temptation  of  Jesus  by  Satan. 
But  in  making  the  comparison,  both  Mr.  Bunsen  and 
Mr.   Lillie   are  guilty  of  unwarranted  exaggerations. 

1  According  to  the  most  ancient  account,  this  period  of  fasting  and 
contemplation  lasted  but  four  weeks.     Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  pp.  73  ff. 

2  Op.  cit.  p.  154.  *  Influence,  p.  44. 


2o6  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

To  bring  the  Buddhist  parallel  closer  to  the  threefold 
temptation  of  Christ,  Mr.  Lillie  pretends  that  Buddha 
likewise  underwent  a  threefold  temptation  under  the 
Bodhi-tree. 

"  The  first  temptation  of  Buddha,"  he  says,^  "  when 
Mara  assailed  him  under  the  Bo-tree,  is  precisely 
similar  to  that  of  Jesus.  His  long  fast  had  very 
nearly  killed  him.  '  Sweet  creature,  you  are  at  the 
point  of  death.  Sacrifice  food.'  This  meant,  eat  a 
portion  to  save  your  life." 

Now  in  the  first  place,  this  incident,  which  is  re- 
lated in  chapter  xviii.  of  the  Lalita  Vistara,  is  said 
to  have  taken  place,  not  under  the  Bodhi-tree,  but 
just  before  he  abandoned  as  useless  the  austere  life  of 
an  ascetic.^  Moreover,  there  is  a  dift'erence  between 
the  alleged  temptation  of  Buddha  and  that  of  Jesus. 
What  Satan  asked  of  Jesus  was  not  so  much  to  eat 
food,  for  the  end  of  the  fast  was  already  at  hand,  but 
rather  to  take  occasion  of  His  hunger  to  make  a  dis- 
play of  His  divine  power,  "  If  thou  be  the  Son  of 
God,  command  that  these  stones  be  made  bread." 
But  what  Mara  proposes  to  Gotama  is  to  abandon  his 
practice  of  undue  asceticism,  and  preserve  his  life  by 
taking  food.  Though  this  advice  is  rejected  as  an 
evil  temptation,  its  wisdom  is  proved  by  the  subse- 
quent conduct  of  Gotama  himself,  for,  convinced  of 
the  unprofitableness  of  a  life  of  constant  fasting,  he 
adopts  the  very  course  suggested  by  Mara. 

1  Infiuence,  p.  45.  ^  cf_  also  i".  B.  E.  X.  p.  69. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  207 

"  The  second  temptation  of  Mara,"  he  goes  on  to 
say,^  "  is  also  like  one  of  Satan's.  The  tempter  by  a 
miracle  shows  Buddha  the  glorious  city  of  Kapila- 
vastu,  twisting  the  earth  round  like  the  wheel  of  a 
potter  to  do  this.  He  offers  to  make  him  a  mighty 
King  of  Kings  [Chakravartin]  in  seven  days  (Bigandet, 
p.  65)." 

Here,  again,  the  comparison  of  this  so-called  sec- 
ond temptation  with  the  well-known  second  tempta- 
tion of  Jesus,  as  told  in  the  fourth  chapter  oi  Liikc,  is 
marred  by  gross  exaggeration. 

First,  in  calling  this  the  second  temptation  and 
making  it  happen  under  the  Bodhi-tree,  he  sets  him- 
self in  flat  contradiction  to  the  authoritative  teaching 
of  the  legend  as  known  to  both  Northern  and  South- 
ern schools.  There  is  no  authority  in  his  favor,  ex- 
cept the  Chinese  version  of  the  sixth  century,  known 
as  the  Romantic  Legend.  The  very  version  to  which 
he  makes  reference,  the  life  of  Buddha  translated  by 
Bishop  Bigandet,  agrees  with  the  Nidaiia  KatJia  in 
assigning  this  temptation  to  the  night  when  Buddha 
was  abandoning  his  home  and  making  his  escape  from 
the  city. 

More  objectionable  still  is  the  fictitious  description 
which  Mr.  Lillie  gives  of  the  temptation  itself  Just 
as  Satan  showed  Christ  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth, 
so  Mara  is  represented  as  showing  by  a  miracle  the 
glorious  city  of  Kapilavastu.     This  is  a  pure  fiction, 

1  hifluence,  p.  45. 


2o8  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

for  which  there  is  not  a  single  authority,  not  even  the 
authority  of  Bishop  Bigandet,  on  which  he  seemingly 
relies.  Here  we  are  told  that  as  Buddha  was  fleeing 
from  Kapilavastu,  he  repressed  the  rising  desire  to 
turn  back  and  take  one  last  look  at  the  magnificent 
city,  whereupon  the  earth  turned  like  a  potter's  wheel 
"  so  that  the  very  object  he  denied  himself  the  satis- 
faction of  contemplating  came  of  itself  under  his 
eyes."  ^  This  marvellous  incident  is  not  ascribed  to 
Mara's  power,  nor  has  it  any  connection  with  the 
foregoing  story  of  the  temptation.  The  latter  is  told 
in  a  few  words.  Mara  appears  to  Buddha  in  his  flight 
from  the  city,  and  urges  him  to  return,  for  in  seven 
days  he  will  become  a  universal  monarch.  Buddha 
rejects  his  advice  with  scorn.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
Mara,  unlike  Satan,  does  not  pretend  that  universal 
dominion  is  in  his  gift,  but  simply  acts  the  part  of  a 
prophetic  adviser. 

But  besides  bearing  only  a  superficial  resemblance 
to  the  story  of  Christ's  temptation  to  universal  power, 
this  parallel  lacks  all  likelihood  of  having  inspired 
the  Gospel  story.  For  while  it  is  common  to  the 
Southern  forms  of  the  legend,  it  is  absent  from  the 
earlier  scriptures  of  the  Northern  school,  even  the 
La  lit  a    Vis  tar  a. 

The  so-called  third  temptation  to  sensuality  by 
Mara's  daughters  has  nothing  in  common  with  the 
Gospel  story. 

1  Bigandet,  Op.  cit.  I.  p.  63. 


Exaggerated  Resemblances  209 

The  assertion  made  by  Mr.  Bunsen  ^  and  repeated 
by  Mr.  Lillie  ^  that,  after  Buddha's  triumph  over  the 
tempter,  angels  comforted  him,  is  another  illustration 
of  the  reckless  manner  in  which  Buddhism  is  com- 
pared with  Christianity.  The  Buddha-legend  simply 
states  that  after  Buddha's  successful  conflict  with 
Mara  under  the  Bodhi-tree,  the  gods  and  heavenly 
spirits,  who  had  fled  in  dire  fear,  returned  and  did 
homage  to  him  as  the  greatest  of  beings. 

(6)  The  story  of  Moses  coming  down  from  Mount 
Sinai  with  countenance  of  dazzling  splendor,^  bears 
but  a  distant  resemblance  to  the  story  of  Christ's 
transfiguration  on  the  mount.  Yet  the  origin  of  the 
latter  is  sought  in  Buddhist  parallels  that  arc  far  less 
striking. 

Professor  SeydeH  gives  his  preference  to  the  incident 
preceding  Buddha's  death,'  when  his  body  shone  with 
so  great  a  brightness  as  to  dim  the  splendor  of  the 
golden  robe  that  had  been  put  upon  him. 

Mr.  Bunsen  traces  the  Gospel  story  to  the  tale  in 
the  Romantic  Legend  ^  that  Buddha,  coming  one 
time  to  a  mountain  of  Ceylon,  sat  down  beneath  a 
tree,  when  his  body  began  to  shine  like  a  golden 
image,  so  that  the  people  took  him  for  the  mountain 
spirit.  This  parallel,  besides  being  so  superficial, 
labors   under    the    fatal    disadvantage    of  having    no 

^  Op.  cit.  p.  40.  2  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  107. 

3  Ex.  xxxiv.  29.  4  Op.  cit.  240. 

^  Ibid.  pp.  177-178. 

14 


2IO  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

earlier  authority  for  its  antiquity  than  the  Chinese 
version,  just  mentioned,  of  the  sixth  century. 

The  parallel  proposed  by  Mr.  Lillie  ^  is  the  incident 
of  Buddha's  descent  from  the  Tusita  heaven  after 
preaching  the  Law  to  his  mother.  The  gods  pre- 
pared three  ladders,  the  tops  of  which  reached  to 
the  heavens  and  rested  against  the  summit  of  the 
Mienmo  mountain.  As  Buddha  descended  the 
middle  ladder  in  company  with  heavenly  spirits, 
fanning  him,  playing  the  harp,  and  shading  him  with 
a  golden  parasol,  he  allowed  the  six  glories  to 
stream  forth  from  his  body  to  the  people  below,  who 
witnessed  the  wonderful  sight  with  astonishment 
and  joy.^ 

In  calling  this  incident  a  transfiguration  on  a 
mount,  Mr.  Lillie  lays  himself  open  to  the  charge  of 
exaggerating.  He  also  seems  to  overlook  the  fact 
that  while  the  story  of  the  descent  from  heaven  by 
the  triple  ladder  is  undoubtedly  prechristian,  the 
transfiguration  incident,  being  found  solely  in  the 
Burmese  Life  of  Btuid/ia,  is  not  free  from  the  grave 
suspicion  of  being  of  comparatively  recent  origin.^ 

1  Influence,  p.  63. 

2  Cf.  Bigandet,  Op.  cit.  I.  p.  225. 

^  In  his  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  191,  he  wrongly  gives  Rock- 
hill  as  an  additional  authority.  In  the  Life  of  Buddha  by  the  latter, 
p.  81,  the  descent  of  Buddha  is  related,  but  no  mention  is  made  of 
the  brilliant  rays  emitted  from  his  body. 


CHAPTER   III 

ANACHRONISMS 

Resemblances  drawn  from  Buddhist  sources  plainly  prechristian, 
alone  legitimate  in  the  present  comparison  —  Kanishka's  conquest 
of  Northern  India  in  78  a.  d.  the  probable  cause  of  separation  of 
the  Buddhists  of  the  North  from  those  of  the  South  :  hence  Bud- 
dhist parallels  not  known  to  both  Northern  and  Southern  schools 
are  of  doubtful  prechristian  origin  —  Further  means  of  control 
afforded  by  the  different  early  versions  of  the  Buddha-legend  — 
Anachronisms  —  The  genealogy  of  Buddha  —  The  -presenta- 
tion of  the  infant  Buddha  in  the  temple  —  The  corresponding 
Gospel  story  not  out  of  harmony  with  Jewish  custom  — The  school- 
scene —  The  gift  of  tongues  —  The  augmenting  of  food  at  the 
marriage-feast — Lamentation  of  women  over  Buddha's  corpse  — 
The  Chinese  variant  —  Buddha's  descent  into  hell  —  The  Bud- 
dhist parable  of  the  lost  son —  Parallels  to  John,  viii.  57,  and  to 
Matthew,  v.  28 — Sadhti — Lamaistic  resemblances  to  certain  feat- 
ures of  Catholicism  —  The  Kwanyin  liturgy  —  The  swastika. 

THE  three  writers  under  review  argue  very 
largely  on  the  principle  that,  since  Buddhism 
is  more  ancient  than  Christianity,  every  resemblance 
which  the  former  offers  to  Christian  rites  and  Chris- 
tian teachings  may  be  used  to  show  the  indebtedness 
of  the  Gospels  to  the  religion  of  Buddha.  A  more 
glaring  sophism  could  hardly  be  employed.  It 
would  be  like  arguing  that  because  the  Jewish  and 
Brahman    religions    are    older    than    Buddhism,    the 


212  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

contents  of  the  Maccabees  and  of  the  Ramayajia 
antedate  what  is  oldest  in  the  Buddhist  scriptures. 
In  Buddhism,  as  in  other  historic  rehgions,  there  has 
been  a  gradual  growth  of  legendary  and  doctrinal 
speculations.  In  its  sacred  literature  much  that  is 
comparatively  recent  has  found  a  place  side  by  side 
with  what  is  truly  ancient.  And  hence  it  is  a  dic- 
tate of  sound  criticism  that,  in  a  comparison  estab- 
lished to  show  the  possibility  of  Buddhist  influence 
on  Christian  thought,  all  resemblances  must  be  with- 
held that  cannot  be  traced  to  Buddhist  sources 
plainly  prechristian. 

Now  it  happens  that  a  fairly  reliable  means  is  at 
hand  of  discerning  in  Buddhist  literature  what  may 
rightly  be  credited  with  an  antiquity  greater  than 
that  of  the  Gospels.  It  is  the  comparison  of  the 
scriptures  held  sacred  by  the  Northern  and  Southern 
schools. 

The  unacquaintance  of  the  Southern  school  with 
Council  of  Kashmir,  held  under  King  Kanishka, 
shows  that  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  era,  the  Buddhists  of  the  South  were  already 
cut  off  from  those  of  the  North.  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  this  separation  was  due  pri- 
marily to  political  and  not  to  religious  causes. 

Down  to  the  time  of  Kanishka,  the  prevailing 
form  of  Buddhism  in  Northern  India  was  practically 
identical  with  what  was  professed  in  the  South.  In 
both  parts,  the  religion  was  derived  from  Magadha, 


Anachronisms 


213 


being  the  fruit  of  the  Buddhist  propaganda  inspired 
by  Asoka  and  continued  under  his  successors.  The 
Ceylonese  tradition  of  the  monks  from  the  Northern 
countries  coming  in  great  numbers  to  take  part  in 
the  dedication  of  the  Mahathupa,  erected  by  King 
Duttha  Gamini/  bears  witness  that  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  second  century  B.  c,  the  North  and  South 
were  still  in  close  communion.  Nor  do  we  find  any 
religious  cause  for  a  separation  in  the  next  two 
centuries.  It  is  true,  the  internal  unity  of  the  Bud- 
dhist order  was  disturbed  by  many  dissenting  schools, 
but  this  state  of  things  existed  from  the  beginning 
and  characterized  Buddhism  wherever  it  existed.^ 
No  growing  division,  however,  between  North  and 
South  was  yet  discernible.  The  Mahayana  school 
was  still  insignificant.  It  was  only  long  after  the 
establishment  of  Kanishka's  empire  that  this  school 
supplanted  the  earlier  form  of  Buddhism  in  the 
North.  In  the  absence,  then,  of  an  adequate  relig- 
ious cause,  the  separation  of  the  Buddhists  of  the 
North  from  those  of  the  South  finds  its  natural 
explanation  in  the  conquest  of  Northern  India 
by  Kanishka  in  78  A.  D.  The  separation  was  thus 
at  first  political.  The  subsequent  spread  of  the 
Mahayana  innovations  throughout  the  empire  to  the 
absorption  of  the  ancient  faith  gave  rise  to  the  great 
schism  of  the  Northern  school. 

^  Cf.  Tumour,  Mahatvanso,  p.  171.' 

2  Even  in  Asoka's  day,  there  were  no  less  than  seventeen  minor 
dissensions. 


214  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

This  point  is  of  great  importance,  for  it  enables 
us  to  determine  with  considerable  precision  those 
Buddhist  parallels  that  have  no  solid  claim  to  an  age 
as  great  as  their  corresponding  Christian  analogies. 
For  it  is  plain  that  only  what  is  common  to  the 
two  schools  can  be  traced  back  with  certainty  to  the 
time  of  their  separation.-^ 

It  would  be  rash  to  assert  on  the  other  hand  that 

1  The  mistake  is  commonly  made  of  taking  the  Buddha-legend 
to  be  in  all  its  details  as  old  as  the  Bharhut  stupa,  whose  sculptures 
date,  according  to  Cunningham,  250-200  B.  c  ,  according  to  Fergusson, 
200-150  B.  c.  (Dr.  Hultzsch  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  maintains 
that  they  belong  to  the  second  or  third  century  B.  C.  Cf.  his  article, 
The  BharJiaiit  Inscriptions,  in  the  I)tdian  Antiquary,  XXI.  p.  225.) 
But  the  only  features  of  the  biography  to  which  these  sculptures 
bear  witness  are  the  descent  of  Buddha  into  his  mother  in  the  form 
of  an  elephant,  the  triple  ladder  by  which  he  came  down  from  heaven 
after  preaching  to  the  gods,  the  gift  of  the  Jetavana  monastery,  Indra 
.Sala-guha,  and,  possibly,  the  scene  of  the  rishis  arrested  in  their 
flight  on  the  occasion  of  the  ploughing-match.  Cf.  A.  Cunningham, 
Tlie  Stupa  of  BharJmt,  London,  1879,  P-  14-  What  the  extent  of  the 
Buddha-legend  was'at  that  early  period  is  impossible  to  say  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  In  all  probability,  it  was  very  meagre.  Not  a 
few  writers  have  appealed  to  the  Sanchi  sculptures  in  evidence  of  the 
existence  in  Asoka's  day  of  the  story  of  Buddha's  temptation  .ind 
other  features  of  the  legend.  Among  these  are  Mr.  Lillie  {Buddha 
and  Early  Buddhism,'^.  18),  Professor  Seydel  (Op.  cit.  p.  98),  and 
Professor  Beal  {Romantic  Legend,  p.  vii. ;  Catena  of  Buddhist 
Scriptures,^.  6,  131);  in  like  manner  Professor  Kern  {Manual  of 
Indian  Buddhism,  p.  2)  and  Rhys  Davids  {Buddhist  Birth  Stories, 
p.  lix)  base  the  antiquity  of  the  Jatakas  on  the  sculptures  of  Sanchi 
as  well  as  those  of  Bharhut.  They  confound  the  age  of  the  stupa 
itself  (third,  perhaps  fifth  century,  B.C.)  with  that  of  the  gateways 
(first  century  A.  D.)  on  which  the  sculptured  scenes  from  the  Buddha- 
legend  are  found.  Cf.  Fergusson,  Tree  and  Serpent  Worship,  p.  100; 
A.  Cunningham,  The  Bkilsa  Topes,  p.  270. 


Anachronisms  215 

all  those  features  that  are  the  distinctive  and  exclusive 
possession  of  either  school  have  arisen  after  78  A.  D. 
The  possibility  cannot  be  denied  of  a  legend  having 
a  local  existence  from  prechristian  times  in  a  Bud- 
dhist locality  of  Northern  India,  and  being  unknown 
to  the   Southern  school,  or   vice  versa.     But  such  a 
possibility  does  not  give  sufficient  probability  to  any 
particular  parallel  to  justify  its  use  in  the  argument 
under  criticism.     Moreover,  in  the  great  majority  of 
parallels  peculiar  to  Northern  Buddhism,  there  is  a 
further  means  of  control.  ""^For  as  most  of  them  are 
pretended    incidents    in    the    life    of    Buddha,    their 
absence  from  the  earlier  known  forms  of  the  Buddha- 
legend,  where  we   have  a  right  to   expect  them,  be- 
trays  the  fact   that  they  are   later  accretions  to  the 
ancient  biography.     On  the  other  hand,  all  parallels 
found  only  in  the  literature  of  the  Southern  school 
may  be  cast  aside,  since  it  is  only  through  the  Bud- 
dhists of  the  North  that  Christianity  could  well  have 
been  affected.^  v 

Applying  these  principles,  we  find  a  goodly 
number  of  anachronisms  in  the  comparisons  insti- 
tuted by  the  writers  under  review. 

(i)   Mr.    Lillie,'^  following  Professor   Seydcl's   ex- 

1  It  might  be  objected  that  the  Miliitda  Panha,  though  composed 
in  Northwest  India  about  the  time  of  Christ,  has  no  place  in  North- 
ern Buddhist  literature.  But  this  is  an  exception  that  bears  out  tlie 
rule.  Being  a  flat  contradiction  of  the  teachings  of  the  Mahayana 
school,  this  work  was  destined  to  be  ignored  wherever  Mahayana 
doctrine  gained  exclusive  recognition. 

-  Influence  of  Buddhism  on  Prnn.  Christianity,  p.  24. 


2i6  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

ample, ^  notes  that  the  genealogy  of  Christ  is  paral- 
leled by  one  that  is  applied  to  Buddha.  But,  aside 
from  the  fact  that  the  very  commonness  of  genealogies 
among  the  Jews  is  enough  to  explain  why  one  should 
be  recounted  of  Christ,  the  genealogy  of  Buddha  is 
a  topic  that  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Northern  Bud- 
dhist scriptures  at  all,  and  even  in  the  Southern  school, 
is  drawn  from  sources  too  late  to  merit  considera- 
tion. The  authority  to  which  Mr.  Lillie  appeals,  the 
Dipavansa,  is  a  Ceylonese  work  of  a  date  not  much 
earlier  than  400  A.  D.^ 

(2)  Great  stress  is  laid  on  the  Buddhist  parable  to 
the  Gospel  story  of  the  presentation  of  the  infant 
Saviour  in  the  temple.  In  the  eighth  chapter  of 
the  Lalita  Vistara,  we  read  that  when  the  child 
Buddha  was  borne  in  an  immense  procession  of 
warriors,  maids,  and  deities  to  the  temple  of  the 
gods  to  give  them  worship,  their  images  prostrated 
themselves  at  his  feet  to  show  that  he  was  the 
greatest  of  all  beings. 

Mr.  Bunsen,^  who  gratuitously  combines  with  this 
incident  the  story  of  Buddha's  precocity,  also  asserts, 
without  a  particle  of  authority,  that  the  incident  took 
place  when  the  child  was  twelve  years  of  age. 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  105. 

2  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  X.  p.  xiii. 

'  Op.  cit.  p.  37.  His  words  are  worth  quoting  as  a  specimen  of 
his  utterly  unfair  and  misleading  presentation  of  alleged  Buddhist 
resemblances.  "  When  twelve  years  old,  the  child  is  presented  in 
the  temple,  on  which  occasion  forthwith  all  statues  rise  and  throw 


Anachronisms  2 1  7 

Mr.  Lillie/  in  order  to  give  a  greater  show  of 
substance  to  tliis  very  shadowy  parallel,  has  recourse 
to  the  legend  in  the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  the  In- 
fancy, that  the  presence  of  Mary  and  the  infant  Jesus 
in  a  village  of  Egypt  caused  a  certain  idol  to  fall 
prostrate  from  its  pedestal,  a  tale  that  smacks  rather 
of  the  Old  Testament  story  of  the  prostration  of  the 
idol  Dagon  in  the  presence  of  the  ark." 

Professor  Seydel  ^  finds  this  parallel  so  striking 
that  he  reckons  it  as  one  of  the  five  pieces  of  evi- 
dence that  point  unmistakably  to  the  indebtedness 
of  the  Gospels  to  Buddhist  scriptures.  He  calls 
attention  to  the  natural  fitness  of  the  story  in  the 
Buddha-legend,  whereas  in  the  Gospel,  despite  the 
statement  of  the  evangelist,  there  was  no  reason  for 
presenting  the  child  Jesus  in  the  temple.  But  this 
objection  is  of  little  weight.  According  to  the  law 
of  Moses,  the  first-born  son  of  every  household  had 
to  be  redeemed  at  the  price  of  five  shekels  of  the 
sanctuary,  and  every  mother,  after  giving  birth  to  a 
child,  had  to  make  an  offering  of  purification.  Now 
though  the  presence. in  the  temple  of  neither  child 
nor  mother  was  indispensable  for  the  fulfilment  of 
these  rites,  yet,  as  Edersheim  has  pointed  out  in  his 

themselves  at  his  feet,  even  the  statues  of  Indra  and  Brahma.  He 
explains  and  asks  learned  questions ;  he  excels  all  those  who  enter 
into  competition  with  him.  Yet  he  waits  till  he  has  reached  his 
thirtieth  year  before  teaching  in  public,  surrounded  by  his  disciples." 

1  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  29.     Iiijlitence,  p.  27. 

2  I  Kings,  V.  I  ff.  3  Op.  cit.  p.  146. 


21 8  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

excellent  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the  Messiah} 
"  mothers  who  were  within  convenient  distance  of 
the  temple,  and  especially  the  more  earnest  among 
them,  would  naturally  attend  personally  in  the 
temple ;  and  in  such  cases,  when  practicable,  the 
redemption  of  the  first-born  and  the  purification  of 
his  mother  would  be  combined." 

But  even  if  the  parallel  were  much  closer  than  it 
really  is,  it  would  have  to  be  rejected  as  an  unques- 
tionable anachronism.  For,  first  of  all,  it  forms  no 
part  of  the  ancient  legend  as  known  to  the  Southern 
school,  and  hence  has  no  respectable  claim  to  an  age 
as  old  as  the  Gospels.  And  in  the  second  place,  it  is 
absent  from  all  the  earlier  versions  known  to  the 
Northern  school.  It  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Bnd- 
dJia  Charita,  nor  in  any  of  the  Chinese  versions  of 
the  Buddha-legend  belonging  to  the  first  three  cen- 
turies. There  is  thus  good  reason  for  not  assigning  to 
this  parallel  an  origin  earlier  than  the  third  century.^ 
(3)  One  of  Mr.  Lillie's  most  cherished  parallels^ 
is  the  school-scene  in  the  tenth  chapter  of  the  Lalita 
Vistara}  where  the  boy  Gotama,  taken  to  the  hall 
of  writing  with  a  splendid  escort  of  ten  thousand 
children  and  a  hundred  thousand  girls,  in  a  shower 

1  B.  II.  ch.  vii. 

-  For  the  same  reason,  the  Lalita  Vistara  in  its  present  form,  at 
least,  cannot  be  credited  with  an  age  greater  than  the  third  century. 

^  Influence,  p.  30.  Professor  Seydel  makes  use  of  it  as  well, 
Op.  cit.  p.  149. 

*  It  is  found  also  in  the  Romantic  legend,  ch.  xi. 


Anachronisms  219 

of  flowers  and  to  the  sound  of  one  hundred  thousand 
instruments  of  music,  astonishes  the  schoolmaster  by 
enumerating  sixty-four  different  kinds  of  writing,  and 
by  explaining  how  every  letter  of  the  alphabet  should 
be  pronounced.  Mr.  Lillie  shows  how  strikingly 
similar  is  the  exhibition  of  precocity  ascribed  to  the 
child  Jesus  in  the  twentieth  chapter  of  the  First  Gos- 
pel of  the  I  nfaticy,  where  he  puts  to  shame  His  master 
Zacchaeus  by  the  wisdom  He  displays  in  setting 
forth  the  meaning  of  every  letter  of  the  alphabet. 

The  irrelevancy  of  seeking  in  apocryphal  writings 
resemblances  to  points  of  Buddhist  lore  has  already 
been  shown.  But  apart  from  this,  the  priority  of  the 
Buddhist  parable  is  open  to  serious  misgivings.  In 
the  first  place,  the  story  could  not  have  arisen  much 
before  the  Christian  era,  for  it  presupposes  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  India  not  only  the  compara- 
tively late  custom  of  teaching  the  youth  the  art  of 
reading  and  writing,  but  also,  what  must  have  been 
later  still,  a  wide-spread  acquaintance  with  very 
many  different  kinds  of  alphabets. 

Though  the  knowledge  of  letters  in  India  is 
probably  as  ancient  as  the  century  in  which  Buddha 
was  born,  yet  the  use  of  writing  for  literary  purposes 
seems  to  have  come  into  vogue  only  in  the  last  two 
or  three  centuries  preceding  the  birth  of  Christ.  The 
older  Vinaya  texts,  which  describe  minutely  the 
daily  life  of  the  monks  and  the  furnishings  of  their 
rooms,  make  no  mention  of  writing  or  of  the   instru- 


220  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

ments  of  writing.  It  was  only  in  the  century  pre- 
ceding the  Christian  era  that  the  sacred  traditions  of 
Buddhism  were  first  committed  to  m.anuscript.^ 

In  Asoka's  day,  but  two  forms  of  writing  seem  to 
have  prevailed  in  India,  the  Ariano-Pali,  common  to 
Bactria  and  Northwest  India,  and  the  Indo-Pali, 
peculiar  to  the  inscriptions  in  the  other  parts  of  his 
vast  realm.  Not  till  long  after  his  time  could  the 
story  have  been  invented  which  ascribes  to  Gotama 
and  his  contemporaries  a  knowledge  of  many  diverse 
forms  of  writing. 

Among  the  sixty-four  different  kinds  of  alphabets 
which  the  youthful  Gotama  enumerates,  the  CJiinese 

1  Cf.  Max  Miiller,  Hist,  of  Anc.  Sansk.  Lit.,  pp.  507  f£. ;  Weber, 
Indische  Studien,  V.  pp.  18  ff.  ;  Oldenberg,  Ancient  India,  its  Language 
and  Religions,  Chicago,  1896,  p  22.  The  alphabet  from  which  all 
existing  forms  of  Indian  writing  have  been  developed,  is  that  em- 
ployed by  Asoka  in  all  his  inscriptions  save  that  of  Kapur-di-giri  in 
the  Northwest.  The  origin  of  this  alphabet,  variously  styled  Indo- 
Pali,  Magadhi,  Maurya,  Asoka,  is  disputed.  Some  scholars,  as  Prin- 
sep,  Wilson,  Senart,  Halevy,  derive  it  from  Greek  sources.  Others, 
as  Lassen,  Cunningham,  Dowson,  pronounce  it  of  native  origin.  Ikit 
the  most  probable  opinion  is  that  it  is  a  development  of  a  Semitic 
script,  Sabaean  or  Babylonian,  which  seems  to  have  been  introduced 
into  India  by  merchants  about  the  sixth  century  B.C.  So  Weber, 
Max  Miiller,  Biihler,  Lenormant,  and  others.  Cf.  Isaac  Taylor,  The 
Alphabet,  an  Account  of  the  Origin  and  Development  of  Letters. 
London,  1883.     Vol.  II.  pp.  304  ff. 

The  alphabet  of  the  Kapur-di-giri  inscription,  generally  known  as 
Ariano-Pali,  is  identical  with  the  script  of  most  of  the  Indo-Bactrian 
coins.  It  is  of  Iranian  (Aramaean)  origin  and  was  probably  introduced 
into  the  Panjab  in  the  fifth  century,  B.C.,  soon  after  the  country  was 
reduced  to  a  satrapy  under  the  dominion  of  Uarius.  Cf.  Taylor, 
Op.  cit.  pp.  256  ff. 


Anachronisms  221 

writing  is  mentioned.  It  is  very  likely  that  the 
knowledge  of  the  Chinese  became  popular  in  North- 
ern India  through  the  embassy  sent  by  Ming-ti  in 
62  A.  D.  Thus,  from  internal  evidence  alone,  there  is 
good  reason  for  suspecting  that  this  legend  did  not 
take  form  till  some  time  after  the  birth  of  Christ. 

This  suspicion  becomes  confirmed  when  we  exam- 
ine the  biography  known  to  Southern  Buddhists,  and 
find  this  legend  wanting.  Nor  is  it  present  in  the 
earliest  story  of  Buddha's  life  belonging  to  the 
Northern  canon,  the  Buddha  C/iarita,  which  would 
in  all  probability  have  made  room  for  the  legend  had 
it  existed  at  that  time,  for  it  notes  the  precocity  of 
the  youthful  Gotama, 

"When  he  had  passed  the  period  of  childhood  and 
reached  that  of  middle  youth,  the  young  prince  learned  in  a 
few  days  the  various  sciences  suitable  to  his  race,  which 
generally  took  many  years  to  master."  ^ 

The  earliest  Buddhist  work  in  which  the  legend  is 
mentioned  is  the  Chinese  life  of  Buddha  translated 
in  the  year  194  A.  D.^  But  the  corresponding  legend 
about  the  precocity  of  the  boy  Jesus  was  already 
known  in  the  Roman  empire  at  this  time,  for  Iren^us 
of  Lyons  in  his  work  Adversus  Hcereses,  b.  i.  ch.  xx. 
(written  in  the  time  that  Eleutherus  was  bishop  of 
Rome,  177-190),  taxes  the  Gnostic  heretics  for 
teaching  this  very  fable  about  our  Lord.     This  im- 

1  Op.  cit.  ii.  24.  2  cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  p.  xvii. 


22  2  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

plies  that  the  legend  must  have  been  known  to  the 
Gnostics  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, and,  perhaps,  even  earlier.  The  priority  of  the 
Buddhist  parallel  is  thus,  to  say  the  least,  very 
uncertain. 

(4)  Professor  Seydel  ^  calls  attention  to  the  strik- 
ing similarity  of  the  story  of  the  miraculous  gift  of 
tongues  told  of  Saint  Peter  in  the  second  chapter  of 
the  Ac^s  of  the  Apostles  and  that  attributed  to  Bud- 
dha at  the  preaching  of  his  first  sermon  at  Benares. 
The  gods  and  heavenly  beings  were  there  as  well  as 
men ;  and  though  Buddha  spoke  the  language  of 
Magadha,  they  all  thought  that  he  was  speaking  in 
the  tongue  with  which  each  one  was  familiar. 

Since  this  incident  is  absent  from  the  accounts  of 
Buddha's  sermon  as  told  in  all  the  early  forms  of  the 
story  of  his  life,  and  since  the  earliest  authority  it  en- 
joys is  the  Piijawaliya,  a  Ceylonese  work  of  the 
thirteenth  century,^  it  has  no  legitimate  place  in  a 
comparison  instituted  to  show  the  presence  of  Bud- 
dhist thought  in  Christian  teaching. 

(5)  The  same  fatal  objection  applies  to  the  use 
which  Mr.  Lillie '^  makes  of  the  story  of  Buddha  mul- 
tiplying food  at  a  marriage  feast.  The  story  is  not 
found  in  the  scriptures  of  the  Southern  school  at  all, 
nor  in  the  early  biographies  of  the  Northern  canon. 

'  Op.  cit.  p.  248. 

2  Cf.  R.  S.  Hardy,  Manual  of  Biidhisjn,  p.  1S7,  also  p.  518. 

8  Influence,  p.  60. 


Anachronisms  223 

Its  only  authority  is  the  Chinese  version  of  the  sixth 
century,  the  Romantic  Legeiid  of  Sakya  Buddha. 

(6)  "  The  newly  discovered  fragments  of  the 
Gospel  of  Peter,"  says  the  same  writer,^  "  gives  strik- 
ing evidence  of  the  haphazard  way  in  which  extracts 
from  the  Buddhist  books  seem  to  have  been  sprinkled 
among  the  Gospels.  It  records  that  Mary  Magdalen, 
'  taking  with  her  her  friends,'  went  to  the  sepulchre 
of  Jesus  to  '  place  themselves  beside  Him  and  per- 
form the  rites  '  of  wailing,  beating  breasts,  etc. 
Amrapali  and  other  courtesans  did  the  same  rites 
to  Buddha,  and  the  disciples  were  indignant  that 
impure  women  should  have  '  washed  his  dead  body 
with  their  tears.'      (Rockhill,  Tibetan  Life,  p.  153.)  " 

In  this  passage  we  have  a  further  instance  of  Mr. 
Lillie's  looseness  of  thought  and  recklessness  of  as- 
sertion. First  of  all,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  what  he 
pretends  to  draw  from  Mr.  Rockhill's  Life  of  the 
Buddha  is  to  be  found  there  only  in  part.  Not  a 
word  is  said  about  Amrapali  and  other  courtesans. 
All  that  we  are  told  is  that  at  the  council  of  Rajagriha, 
the  venerable  Kasyapa  declared  Ananda  unworthy  of 
taking  part  in  the  proceedings,  because  on  several  oc- 
casions he  had  acted  wrongly.  One  of  his  faults  is  thus 
told.  "  Moreover,  thou  didst  show  to  corrupt  women 
the  golden  body  of  the  Blessed  One,  which  was  then 
sullied  b}'  their  tears." 

Now,  even  if  this  alleged  parallel  were  prechristian, 

1  Influence,  p.  66. 


2  24  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

it  would  be  far  from  justifying  the  conclusion  which 
Mr.  Lillie  draws.  But  to  base  its  antiquity  on  a 
Tibetan  tradition  betrays  a  still  greater  lack  of  judg- 
ment, the  more  so,  as  the  primitive  form  of  the  story, 
which  exists  in  the  canonical  scriptures,  and  which 
alone  can  be  accounted  prechristian,  offers  no  ground 
for  a  parallel  at  all. 

In  the  Book  of  the  Great  Decease,  we  are  told  that 
the  Mallas  of  Kusinara,  having  learned  that  Buddha 
was  about  to  pass  away,  came  in  deep  grief  with  their 
wives  and  children,  to  see  him  for  the  last  time,  and 
were  admitted  by  Ananda  in  family  groups  into  the 
presence  of  his  dying  master.^ 

It  is  in  allusion  to  this  incident  that  at  the  council 
of  Rajagriha,  the  following  charge  was  made  against 
Ananda  by  some  of  his  brother  monks: 

"  This,  also,  friend  Ananda,  was  ill  done  by  thee,  in  that 
thou  causedst  the  body  of  the  Blessed  One  to  be  saluted  by 
women  first,  so  that  by  their  weeping,  the  body  of  the 
Blessed  One  was  defiled  by  tears.     Confess  that  fault."  ^ 

(7)  It  is  from  this  same  source  that  the  Chinese 
Buddhists  derived  their  story  of  a  woman  weeping 
over  the  body  of  Buddha  and  moistening  his  feet  with 
her  tears.  It  was  found  by  Professor  Beal  in  a  Chinese 
version  of  uncertain  date  and  mentioned  in  his  Abstract 
of  Four  Lectures  on  Buddhist  Literatures^     Curious 

1  S.  B.  E.  XI.  p.  103. 

2  Chullavagga,  xi.  i,  \0.  —  S.  B.  E.  XX.  p.  379. 

3  pp.  75  and  165. 


Anachronisms  225 

to  note,  Mr,  Bunsen^  seized  upon  this  as  the  proto- 
type of  the  Gospel  story  of  the  penitent  woman  bath- 
ing in  tears  the  feet  of  Jesus.  It  is  plain  that  this 
parallel,  like  the  preceding,  must  be  rejected  as  an 
anachronism. 

(8)  Mr.  Lillie '  informs  us  that  "  Buddha,  like 
Christ,  preached  to  the  spirits  in  prison.  .  .  .  The 
Chinese  hold  that  ev^ery  thousand  years,  Buddha, 
in  the  form  of  a  beautiful  young  man,  goes  down 
to  the  hell  Avichi,  and  clears  that  region  of 
suffering." 

Since  this  doctrine,  which  is  wholly  out  of  joint 
with  the  teaching  of  Buddha,  is  unknown  to  the  Bud- 
dhism of  India,  and  is  nothing  else  than  a  late  pro- 
duct of  Chinese  speculation,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  it 
could  have  exerted  any  influence  on  the  formation  of 
early  Christian  dogma. 

(9)  The  beautiful  Gospel  parable  of  the  prodigal 
son  is  not  allowed  to  pass  unchallenged.  Both  Pro- 
fessor SeydeP  and  Mr.  Lillie^  call  attention  to  a 
corresponding  story  in  a  canonical  book  of  the  North- 
ern school.  In  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  Loins  of  the 
Tnie  Law,  Buddha's  disciples,  overjoyed  at  the  pros- 
pect of  being  predestined  to  supreme  enlightenment, 
illustrate  their  unexpected  good  fortune  by  a  parable, 
A  poor  wanderer,  after  an  absence  of  many  years, 
comes  without  knowintj  it  to  his  father's  home.     The 


'fc> 


1  Op.  cit   p.  49.  2  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  189. 

3  Op.  cit.  p.  230.  *  Influence,  p.  70. 

IS 


2  26  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

simple  shelter  of  former  days  has  given  place  to  a 
splendid  palace,  where  the  father  lives  in  princely 
magnificence.  As  the  son  approaches,  he  see  the 
lord  of  the  mansion,  whom  he  little  suspects  to  be  his 
father,  seated  like  a  king  on  a  throne  surrounded  by 
many  attendants.  Frightened  by  so  much  splendor, 
he  turns  aside  and  hastens  off.  But  the  father,  recog- 
nizing his  long  lost  son,  sends  after  him.  Unwilling 
to  make  himself  known  before  the  son  has  given  proof 
of  his  fitness  for  a  life  of  wealth  and  refinement,  he 
engages  him  to  labor  in  his  fields  at  double  wages. 
He  lives  in  a  rude  hut,  faithfully  performing  the 
menial  tasks  assigned  him,  till  his  merit  becomes 
thoroughly  tested.  Then  his  father,  inwardly  rejoic- 
ing to  find  his  son  so  worthy,  but  not  yet  ready  to 
make  himself  known,  raises  him  to  a  position  of  honor, 
and  bids  him  feel  as  a  son  in  the  house  of  his  father. 
In  this  condition  he  lives  for  many  years,  till  at  length 
the  father,  feeling  his  end  approaching,  summons  the 
king  and  nobles,  and  declaring  the  astonished  ser- 
vant to  be  his  own  son,  makes  him  heir  of  all  his 
possessions. 

Even  if  this  story  were  of  prechristian  origin,  it  is 
too  unlike  that  of  the  prodigal  son,  both  in  outline  and 
in  purpose,  to  deserve  the  name  of  a  parallel.  But 
there  is  not  a  fragment  of  evidence  that  the  Lotus  of 
the  True  Law,  in  which  alone  it  is  found,  is  as  old  as 
the  gospel  of  St.  John.  Professor  Seydel  himself, 
while   inclined  to   give  the  book  as  early  a  date  as 


Anachronisms  227 

possible,  has  to  content  himself  with  the  vague  esti- 
mate of"  before  200  A. D."^  There  is  a  Chinese  tradi- 
tion^ that  the  book  was  translated  into  Chinese  at 
the  close  of  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era, 
but  this  testimony  is  contradicted  by  the  Chinese 
Catalogue  of  the  Tri-pithaka,  which  states  that  the 
oldest  Chinese  translation  of  the  work  was  made  by 
Chu-fa-hu,of  the  Western  Tsin  dynasty,  A.D.  265-3 16.''^ 
From  internal  and  external  evidence,  the  most  that 
can  be  reliably  made  out  is  that  about  250  A.D.  the 
work  was  in  existence  in  its  present  form,  and  that 
chapters  i.-xx.  and  xxvii.,  which  constituted  the  work 
originally,  are  earlier  still.  But  how  much  earlier, 
there  is  no  positive  ground  for  determining.  Pro- 
fessor Kern  thinks  the  original  form  may  be  some 
centuries  earlier  than  250  A.D.,  but  this  is  pure 
conjecture.* 

It  is  plain  that  a  book  which  cannot  be  assigned 
with  certainty  to  a  date  as  early  as  200  A.  D.  is  not  a 
legitimate  source  to  draw  from  in  trying  to  prove  the 
dependence  of  the  Gospels  on  Buddhist  thought. 

(10)  In  like  manner,  the  authority  of  the  Lotus  of 
the  True  Lazv  does  not  justify  the  use  of  the  parallel 
which  both  Professor  Seydel  ^  and  Mr.  Lillie^  find  to 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  lot.  ^  Edkins,  Chinese  Btiddhisvi,  p.  89. 

8  S.  B.  E.  XXI.  p.  XX.  *  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XXI.  p.  xxii. 

^  Op.  cit.  p.  167. 

^  Influeuce,  p  62.  "In  the  White  LoUis  of  D  harm  a  (ch.  xiv.), 
Buddha  is  asked  how  it  is  that,  having  sat  under  the  Bo-tree  only  forty 
years  ago,  he    has  been  able,  according  to  his  boast,  to  see  many 


2  28  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

the  question  put  to  Jesus  by  the  doubting  Pharisees: 
"  Thou  art  not  yet  fifty  years  old,  and  hast  thou  seen 
Abraham?  " 

(ii)  The  Book  of  Parables  by  Buddhaghosa  is,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  a  Ceylonese  work  of  the  fifth 
century.  Yet  this  is  the  authority  on  which  Mr.  Lillie  ^ 
relies  to  attribute  to  Buddha  himself  the  statement  so 
like  Matthew,  v.  28,  that  the  law  to  shun  adultery  "  is 
broken  by  even  looking  at  the  wife  of  another  with 
lustful  mind." 

(12)  Here  is  another  characteristic  eff"usion  from 
the  same  writer:'^  —  "On  one  point,  I  have  been 
a  little  puzzled.  The  pass-word  of  the  Buddhist 
wanderers  was  Sadhu !  which  does  not  seem  to 
correspond  with  the  Pax  Vobiscum !  (^Alat.  x.  13) 
of  Christ's  disciples.  But  I  have  just  come  across 
a  passage  in  Renan  (^Lcs  Apotrcs,  p.  22)  which 
shows  that  the  Hebrew  word  was  Shalom !  {boji- 
heur/)  This  is  almost  a  literal  translation  of  Sadhu  !  " 

The  value  of  this  remarkable  discovery  would 
be  greatly  enhanced  if  we  did  not  find  this  form 
of  salutation  in  very  ancient  books  of  the  Old 
Testament.^ 

(13)  To    this    category    of  anachronisms   belongs 

Buddhas  and  saints  who  died  hundreds  of  years  previously.  He  an- 
swers that  he  has  lived  many  hundred  thousand  myriads  of  Kotis,  and 
that,  though  in  the  form  of  a  Buddha,  he  is  in  reality  Swayambhu, 
the  Self-E.\istent,  the  Father  of  the  million  worlds." 

1  Influence,  p.  51.  -  Ibid.  p.  47. 

3  Genesis,  xliii.  23.    Judges,  vi.  23;  xix.  20,  and  elsewhere. 


Anachronisms  229 

one  which  is,  perhaps,  the  grossest  of  all,  and  which 
does  not  shield  Mr.  Lillie  from  the  imputation  of  cul- 
pable ignorance  because  it  has  been  committed  by 
men  whose  reputation  for  scholarship  is  far  greater 
than  his  own.^  It  is  the  attempt  to  prove,  from  cer- 
tain mutual  points  of  contact,  the  wholesale  importa- 
tion into  Roman  Catholicism  of  Lamaistic  rites  and 
customs. 

One  of  the  early  champions  of  this  thesis  was  Mr. 
Henry  Prinsep,^  who,  drawing  chiefly  from  the  Abbe 
Hue's  well-known  book  of  travels,  brought  out,  in 
185 1,  a  small  volume  entitled,  Tibet,  Tartary,  and 
Mongolia.  This  book,  which  has  but  little  scientific 
worth,  is  chiefly  known  to-day  for  its  oft-quoted  pas- 
sage ^  enumerating  the  resemblances  between  Lama- 
ism  and  Catholicism  that  Father  Grueber,  a  Jesuit 
missionary  of  the  seventeenth  century,  remarked  in 
his  journey  through  Tibet.  This  passage  Mr.  Lillie  * 
does  not  fail  to  reproduce,  nor  does  he  forget  the 
equally  well-known  testimony  of  the  Abbe  Huc.^ 
Having  thus  shown  by  unimpeachable  witnesses  the 
many  points  in  which  the  two  religions  agree,  —  the 
monastic  system,  with  its  obligations  of  poverty, 
chastity,  and  obedience,  the  tonsure,  the  fasts,  the 
annual  period  of  retreat  and  meditation,  the  venera- 

^  Cf.  J.  Fergusson,  Rude  Stone  Monuments,  p.  502. 
-  Not  to  be  confounded  with  the  eminent  scholar,  James  Prinsep. 
8  Op.  cit.  p.  14.  ■*  /n/Iueiice,^Y>-  I74-I75- 

5  Travels  in  Tartary,  Tibet,  and  China,  II.  ch.  2.  Vide  supra, 
p.  150. 


230  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

tion  of  saints  and  relics,  the  use  of  bells  and  rosaries, 
prayers  and  offerings  for  the  dead,  sacramental  con- 
fession, baptism,  offering  of  consecrated  food  on  an 
altar,  the  use  of  holy  water  and  incense,  of  crosier, 
mitre,  dalmatic,  cope,  the  processions,  litanies,  service 
with  double  choir,  a  graded  hierarchy  ruled  by  a 
supreme  head,  —  he  draws  the  conclusion  that  the 
Catholic  Church,  being  less  ancient  than  Buddhism, 
must  have  borrowed  with  full  hands  from  its  Tibetan 
neighbor. 

In  this  remarkable  piece  of  sophistry,  Mr.  Lillie 
seems  to  overlook  the  very  important  point  that 
primitive  Buddhism  is  one  thing,  and  Lamaistic 
Buddhism  is  another.  Far  from  being  ancient.  Lama- 
ism,  as  has  already  been  shown,  took  its  rise  only  in 
the  Middle  Ages,  having  been  developed  by  a  slow 
process  of  modification  from  the  Buddhism  of  North- 
ern India,  introduced  into  Tibet  by  Srong-tsan 
Sgam-po  in  the  seventh  century.  Long  before  Lama- 
ism  had  an  existence,  the  resemblances  enumerated 
above,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  rosary,  were 
prominent  features,  not  only  of  the  Latin  church,  but 
of  the  Greek  and  other  Oriental  churches  as  well. 
Of  course,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  those  points  of 
contact  in  Lamaism  which  were  derived  from  early 
Buddhism  have  an  antiquity  much  greater  than  their 
Christian  parallels.  Such  are  the  monastic  system,  the 
use  of  bells,  rosaries,  the  veneration  of  saints,  relics, 
and  images,  and  pilgrimages  to   holy  places.      The 


Anachronisms  231 

question  whether  these  have  any  historical  connection 
with  the  similar  elements  to  be  found  in  Catholicism 
is  practically  one  with  the  larger  question  of  the  pos- 
sible influence  of  Buddhism  on  Christianity.  To  this 
question  Lamaism  has  nothing  to  say.  As  for  the 
remaining  resemblances,  which  were  not  derived  from 
early  Buddhism,  and  which  are  distinctively  Lamaistic, 
the  priority  of  Catholic  rites  and  practices  is  too 
plainly  taught  b}'  history  to  be  made  the  subject  of 
discussion.  It  is  idle,  therefore,  to  establish  a  com- 
parison between  Catholicism  and  Lamaism,  as  if  the 
points  of  contact  could  be  made  to  prejudice  the 
claims  of  the  Catholic  Church.^  Nor  is  there  any  call 
on  the  latter  to  demonstrate  the  way  in  which  Lama- 
ism came  to  possess  these  resemblances.  Still,  a  very 
natural  and  plausible  explanation  is  afforded  by  Nes- 
torianism,  which  presents  the  same  points  of  contact 
with  the  Buddhism  of  Tibet,  and  which  is  known  to 
have  exerted  a  widespread  influence  in  Eastern  Asia 
even  as  far  as  China  itself,  during  the  very  period  in 
which  Lamaism  was  taking  form.^ 

1  Cf.  K.  F.  Koppen,  Die  Relii^ion  des  Buddha,  I.  pp.  561  ff.  and  II. 
p.  116.  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhism,  p.  250.  Hibbert  Lectures  on  Bud- 
dhism, pp.  192-195. 

-  J.  Fergusson  {Rude  Stone  Monuments,  p.  503),  Max  Miiller  [Ntw 
Ret'iew,  IV.  p.  68),  and  Andrew  White  {History  0/ the  Warfare  of  Sci- 
ence with-  Theology,  N.  Y.  1S96,  II.  p.  381),  ascribe  to  the  Abbe  Hue 
the  explanation  that  Lamaism  was  a  cunning  invention  of  Satan,  de- 
vised to  ape  the  true  religion  of  God.  Had  they  taken  the  pains  to 
read  his  interesting  chapter  on  this  subject  {Travels,  II.  ch.  2),  they 
would  not  have  committed  this  injustice  to  the  genial  and  large- 
minded  author. 


232  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

(14)  As  a  supplement  to  the  last  anachronism, 
and  as  a  further  instance  of  Mr.  Lillie's  method  of 
arguing,  observe  what  he  says  ^  of  the  Kwan-Yin 
liturgy,  the  existence  of  which  cannot  be  traced 
beyond  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

"  This  is  what  the  Rev.  S.  Beal,  a  chaplain  in  the 
navy,  wrote  of  a  liturgy  that  he  found  in  China:  — 
'  The  form  of  this  office  is  a  very  curious  one.  It 
bears  a  singular  likeness  in  its  outline  to  the  common 
type  of  the  Eastern  Christian  liturgies.  That  is  to 
say,  there  is  an  "  Proanaphoral  "  and  an  "  anaphoral  " 
portion.  There  is  a  prayer  of  entrance,  a  prayer  of 
incense,  an  inscription  of  praise  to  the  threefold 
object,  a  prayer  of  oblation,  the  lections,  the  recita- 
tions of  the  Dharani,  the  Embolismus  or  prayer 
against  temptation,  followed  by  a  "  Confession  "  and 
a    "  Dismissal."  '     (^Catena    of   Buddhist   Scriptures, 

p.  397)." 

The  following  is   the  continuation  of  the  subject, 

which  Mr.  Lillie  found  convenient  to  ignore :  "  The 
early  arrival  of  the  Nestorian  Christians  in  China 
would  be  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  this  gen- 
eral resemblance,  particularly  if  we  recollect  that 
the  same  emperor,  Ta'e  Tsung,  who  was  the  great 
patron  of  Buddhism,  was  also  the  protector  of  the 
new  missionaries,  who  in  consequence  were  able  to 
build  churches  and  establish  themselves  as  a  recog- 

1  Iiifluetice,  p.  176. 


Anachronisms  233 

nized  body  of  religious  worshippers  in  several  parts 
of  the  empire."  ^ 

(15)  The  use  of  the  cruciform  swastika  in  the 
Christian  catacombs  is  sometimes  brought  forward 
as  evidence  of  the  borrowing  by  early  Christians  of 
a  Buddhist  symbol.^  But  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  this  ancient  symbol,  far  from  being  distinctively 
Buddhist,  was  known  to  the  peoples  of  Italy,  Greece, 
and  other  parts  of  Europe  long  before  Buddhism 
took  form.^ 

1  Catena,  pp.  397-398.  For  the  derivation  of  the  Chinese  female 
Kwan-Yin  holding  the  child,  from  the  Virgin  Mother  and  Child.  Cf. 
p.  412  of  the  same  work. 

2  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  213. 

3  Cf.  A.  Bertrand,  La  religion  des  Gaulois.  Paris,  1897,  pp.  143  ff. 
The  value  of  this  work  is  greatly  diminished  by  its  many  ill-founded 
speculations.  Cf.  also  Henry  Schliemann,  Ilios,  The  City  and 
Country  of  the  Trojans.  N.  Y.,  1881,  pp.  345  ff.  Robert  P.  Gregg, 
The  Meaning  and  Origin  of  the  Fylfot  and  Sivastika.  —  Archaologia 
Britannica,  1885,  pp.  292  ff.  Ludwig  Miilier,  L'emploi  et  la  significa- 
tion datts  I'antiqieite  du  signe  dit  crois  gamme.  Copenhagen,  1877. 
Thos.  Wilson,  The  Sivastika,  the  earliest  known  Symbol  and  its 
Migrations.  Washington,  1896.  Goblet  d'Alviella,  La  migration  des 
sytnholes.  Paris,  1891.  Ch.  ii.  The  latter  is  of  the  opinion  that  the 
swastika  was  introduced  into  India  from  Greece  or  Asia  Minor  about 
the  fifth  century  B.  c.  There  is  good  reason,  however,  to  hold  with 
Gregg,  Miiller,  and  others  that  it  was  a  common  inheritance  of  the 
Indo-European  peoples  from  their  Aryan  ancestors.  It  seems 
originally  to  have  been  a  sun-symbol. 


CHAPTER   IV 

FICTIONS 

Vain  attempts  to  find  a  Buddhist  parallel  to  the  Holy  Ghost  —  Maya 
not  a  virgin — Spurious  parallels  to  the  angelic  announcements 
to  Mary  and  to  Joseph  — The  star  in  the  East  —  Buddha  not  born 
on  Christmas-day  —  Pretended  counterparts  to  the  offerings  of 
the  Magi  —  Bimbisara  not  the  prototype  of  Herod  —  Habba  not 
synonymous  with  Tathagata  —  Lack  of  resemblance  between  the 
story  of  the  lost  child  Jesus  and  the  Jambu-tree  incident  —  Pre- 
tended baptism  of  Buddha —  Untenableness  of  the  statement  that 
Buddha  and  Christ  began  to  preach  at  the  same  age  —  The 
Bodhi-tree  incident  not  the  source  of  the  story  of  Nathaniel  and 
the  fig-tree  —  The  Gospel  incident  of  the  man  born  blind  inde- 
pendent of  the  Buddhist  notion  of  karma  —  Yasa  not  the  proto- 
type of  Nicodemus  —  Lack  of  resemblance  between  Buddha's 
entry  into  Rajagriha  and  Christ's  triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem 
—  The  Last  Supper  of  Jesus  wholly  unlike  the  final  meal  of 
Buddha —  Unwarranted  ascription  to  Buddha  of  words  spoken  by 
Christ  —  Spurious  Buddhist  parallels  to  the  abandonment  of 
Jesus  by  His  disciples,  to  the  thief  on  the  cross,  to  the  parting 
of  Christ's  garments,  to  the  resurrection,  to  Matthew,  v.  29,  and 
xiii.  45. 

IN  a  comparison  between  Buddhism  and  Christian- 
ity, such  as  is  made  by  the  writers  under  review, 
one  has  a  right  to  demand  that  none  but  genuine 
resemblances  should  be  taken  into  account.  It  is 
plain  that  fancied  parallels,  or,  in  other  words,  fictions, 
should  have   no  place  in  an  argument  that  pretends 


Fictions  235 

to  rise  above  sophistry.  That  the  writers  in  question 
have  gravely  compromised  themseh^es  in  this  respect, 
the  following  list  of  fictions  will  show. 

(i)  "Conceived  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  born  of  the 
Virgin  Maya."  Such  is  the  heading  which  Mr. 
Bunsen  ^  gives  to  a  passage  in  which  he  tries  to  es- 
tablish parallels  in  the  Buddhist  scriptures  to  the 
Gospel  story  of  the  miraculous  conception  and  the 
virgin-birth  of  Jesus.  In  this  objectionable  use  of 
texts  from  Christian  ritual  and  Holy  Scripture,  he 
has  been  zealously  imitated  by  both  Professor  Seydel 
and  Mr.  Lillie,  in  whose  works  almost  every  parallel, 
however  far-fetched,  is  prefaced  by  a  Gospel  phrase 
or  sentence. 

It  takes  no  little  boldness  to  try  to  find  in  Bud- 
dhism what  is  recognized  by  all  competent  scholars 
to  be  an  absolute  contradiction  to  Buddhist  teaching, 
namely,  a  genuine  counterpart  to  the  Christian  idea 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Yet  all  three  writers  have  at- 
tempted it  with  as  many  different  results.  Accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Bunsen,^  the  Buddhist  equivalent  to  the 
Holy  Ghost  is  karma,  though  of  this  he  seems  not  to 
be  quite  sure,  for,  in  another  place,  he  identifies  the 
Holy  Ghost  with  the  spirit  of  the  Bodhi-tree  !'^ 

Professor  Seydel  ^  holds  it  to  be  Maitreya,  the 
future  Buddha  of  love,  now  reigning  as  a  Bodhisattva 
in  the  Tusita  heaven.     But  while  applying  to  Gotama 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  33.  '■^  Ibid.  p.  26. 

3  Ibid.  p.  42.  *  Op.  Cit.  p.  263. 


236  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Buddha  the  phrase  borrowed  from  Mr.  Bunsen, 
"  Conceived  by  the  Holy  Ghost,"  he  shrewdly  avoids 
the  ridiculous,  though  consistent,  conclusion  that  it 
was  through  the  agency  of  Maitreya  that  Buddha's 
conception  was  effected. 

Mr.  Lillie  ^  inclines  to  the  view  that  the  Buddhist 
Holy  Spirit  is  the  Dharma,  the  Law,  which  he  dis- 
covers to  be  the  very  equivalent  of  the  Greek  Sophia. 

On  opinions  like  these  no  comment  is  needed. 

In  declaring  that  Buddha,  like  Christ,  was  con- 
ceived by  the  Holy  Ghost,  Mr.  Bunsen  is  not  dis- 
concerted by  the  utter  absence  of  testimony  in  the 
Sanskrit  and  Pali  scriptures.  His  authority  is  a 
Chinese  version,  in  which  he  made  the  remarkable 
discovery  that  "  it  was  the  Holy  Spirit,  or  Shing-shin, 
which  descended  on  the  Virgin  Maya."  ^ 

This  method  of  resorting  to  foreign  versions  for 
parallels  that  have  no  existence  in  the  original  Bud- 
dhist scriptures  is  unfortunately  too  much  in  favor 
with  all  the  writers  under  review.  But  in  this  in- 
stance, Mr.  Bunsen  has  made  the  additional  blunder 
of  giving  to  the  text  a  meaning  which  it  plainly  does 
not  bear.  The  Chinese  version  from  which  he  drew 
his  fanciful  notion  is  the  one  which  Professor  Beal 
has  summarized  in  the  Introduction  to  volume  XIX. 
of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East.  There,  to  be  sure, 
p.  xix,  the  word  Shing-shin  occurs ;  but,  as  the  con- 
text clearly  shows,   it  means  nothing  else  than   the 

1  Ii/fluetice,  p.  172.  2  Op.  cit.  p.  2>2)- 


Fictions  237 

pure  spirit  of  Buddha  himself,  which  entered  the  side, 
of  Maya  in  the  form  of  an  elephant. 

(2)  Equally  unfounded  is  the  assertion  that  Maya, 
like  Mary,  was  at  the  same  time  a  mother  and  a 
virgin.^  Not,  indeed,  that  the  notion  of  virgin- 
motherhood  is  peculiar  to  the  Sacred  Scriptures 
alone.  We  find  it  elsewhere,  in  the  Avesta,  in  the 
mythology  of  Greece  and  of  ancient  Mexico.  But 
this  notion  has  no  place  in  the  Buddha-legend,  where 
Maya  is  not  once  spoken  of  as  a  virgin,  and  where 
the  consummation  of  her  marriage  with  King  Sud- 
dhodana  is  plainly  implied.  Thus  in  the  very  ver- 
sion mentioned  above,  where  Mr.  Bunsen  pretends  to 
find  the  epithet  virgin  applied  to  Maya,  we  read : 

"  The  queen  from  that  moment  [/.  e.  of  conception] 
leads  a  pure,  unconlaminate  life. 

"  '  Now,  on  account  of  this  conception, 
Bearing  as  I  do  a  Mahasattva, 
I  give  up  all  false,  polluting  ways, 
And  both  in  heart  and  body  rest  in  purity.'  "  ^ 

The  Romantic  Legend"^  represents  Maya  as  saying: 
"  From  this  time  forth,  I  will  no  more  partake  of  any 
sensual  pleasure." 

In  the  Life  of  Buddha,  as  told  in  the  Manual  of 
Budhism,^  we  read  :  "  From  the  time  of  conception, 
Mahamaya  was  free  from  passion  and  lived  in  the 
strictest  continence." 

1  Bunsen,  Loc.  cit.  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  no.  Lillie,  Buddhism  in 
Christendom,  p.  il. 

-  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  p.  xix.  3  p.  37.  ^  p.  142.. 


238  Buddhism  and  Christianity- 

According  to  the  Tibetan  Life  of  Buddha,  as  given 
by  Mr.  Rockhill,i  Suddhodana,  the  king,  "  knew 
Mahamaya  his  wife  ;  but  she  bore  him  no  children." 
In  the  face  of  such  evidence,  the  following  as- 
tronomical reasoning  of  Mr.  Lillie-  fails  to  bring 
conviction  :  "It  has  been  debated  whether  she  was  a 
virgin  at  the  date  of  Buddha's  birth.  As  she  is,  with- 
out doubt,  Virgo  of  the  sky,  I  think  the  question 
must  be  answered  in  the  affirmative." 

Nor  does  the  plea  which  he  makes  in  another 
work^  serve  to  make  good  his  contention.  "At- 
tempts have  been  recently  made  to  prove  that  the 
mother  of  Buddha  was  not  a  virgin ;  but  this  goes 
completely  counter  to  both  the  Northern  and  the 
Southern  scriptures.  It  is  stated  in  the  Lalita  Vis- 
tara  that  the  mother  of  a  Buddha  must  never  have 
had  a  child.  In  the  Southern  scriptures,  as  given  by 
Mr.  Tumour,  it  is  announced  that  a  womb  in  which  a 
Buddha  elect  has  reposed,  is  like  the  sanctuary  of  a 
chaitya  (temple)." 

The  evidence  already  cited  shows  his  first  state- 
ment to  be  untrue.  The  other  two  statements  are 
beside  the  point.  To  be  childless  is  not  the  same  as 
to  be  a  virgin ;  and  a  comparison  given  as  a  reason 
why  Maya  could  not  bear  again,  has  nothing  to  say 
regarding  her  virginity. 

1  p.  15. 

2  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  70.  This  is  an  echo  of  Mr. 
Bunsen's  symbolic  speculation  on  p.  23  of  his  An^el  Messiah. 

»  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  u.     Cf.  Influence,  p.  23. 


Fictions  239 

"  A  womb  in  which  a  Buddho  elect  hcos  reposed  is  as  the 
sanctuary  [in  which  the  rehc  is  enshrined]  in  a  chetiyo.  No 
human  being  can  again  occupy  it  or  use  it.  On  that  account 
the  mother  of  a  Buddho  elect,  dying  on  the  seventh  day 
after  the  birth  of  the  elect,  is  regenerated  in  Tusitapura.''^  ^ 

In  another  work  still,'  Mr.  Lillie  tries  to  prove  the 
virginity  of  Maya  from  a  passage  in  the  Lalita  Vistara. 
"  By  the  consent  of  the  king,  the  queen  was  permitted 
to  lead  the  life  of  a  virgin  for  thirty-two  months."  '^ 

But  the  French  translator,  Mr.  Foucaux,  on  whose 
version  Mr.  Lillie  relies,  commenting  on  this  very 
text,  denies  that  it  implies  virginity.  He  quotes  a 
passage  from  the  Tibetan  version  of  the  Abhinish- 
k7'amana  Stitra,  wherein  the  very  opposite  is  plainly 
asserted.  His  words  are  as  follows :  "  Maya  Devi 
obtient  du  roi  son  epoux  de  ne  pas  obeir  au  desir 
pendant  32  mois,  mais  il  n'est  pas  dit  qu'elle  soit 
vierge.  Le  passage  suivant  do  I'Abhinichkramana 
Sutra  (trad,  tib.)  dans  le  Kandjour  p.  189,  ne  laisse 
aucun  doute  a  ce  sujet.  *  Le  roi  Souddhodana  etant 
alle  avec  Mahamaya  dans  I'interieur  solitaire  du 
palais,  ils  se  livrerent  aux  jeux,  se  livrerent  au  plaisir, 
se  livrerent  a  la  volupte.'  "'* 

1  Turnour,  yi'7/r//.  Asiat.  Soc.  of  Bengal,  VII.  p.  800.  Cf.  Warren, 
Buddhism  in   Translations,  p.  45. 

^  Influence,  p.  24.  ^  q\^    jj;^  Ann.  Mus.  Gniin.  VI.  p.  29. 

*  Ann.  ATus.  Gnim.  XIX.  p.  12.  Saint  Jerome  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  to  make  the  mistake  of  ascribing  to  Maya  a  virgin-mother- 
hood. "  Apud  Gymnosophistas  Indias,  quasi  per  manus  hujus  opini- 
onis  auctoritas  traditur  quod  Buddam  principem  dogmatis  eorum  e 
latere  suo  virgo  generarit."     Adv.  Jovinianuvi ,  lib.  I.  c.  42. 


240  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

(3)  It  needs  a  great  reach  of  imagiriation  to 
recognize  with  Mr.  LiUie  ^  an  affinity  between  the 
angeHc  annunciation  to  Mary  of  her  impending 
motherhood,  and  the  dream  of  Maya  that  a  white 
elephant  had  entered  her  right  side.  To  resort  to 
such  a  comparison  seems  Hke  trifling  with  the  good 
sense  of  the  reader. 

On  the  other  hand,  Professor  Seydel  ^  thinks  he 
sees  in  the  interpretation  of  Maya's  dream  by  the 
Brahman  priests  the  appropriate  Buddhist  parallel. 
Even  this  is  too  far-fetched  to  merit  consideration-. 

(4)  Despite  Mr.  Lillie's  ^  assurance  to  the  con- 
trary, there  is  so  little  resemblance  between  the 
angel  that  appeared  to  Joseph  in  a  dream  to  allay 
his  suspicions,  and  the  heavenly  beings  that,  showing 
half  their  forms,  anticipated  Maya  in  announcing  to 
the  king  the  glorious  conception  of  Buddha,  that  the 
parallelism,  must  be  unhesitatingly  rejected.  Were  the 
resemblance  a  real  one,  instead  of  being  purely  fanci- 
ful, it  would  have  to  be  rejected  as  an  anachronism, 
since  the  earliest  book  in  which  it  is  found  is  the 
Lalita  Vistara. 

(5)  The  star  which  guided  the  wise  men  from  the 
East  to  Bethlehem  is  not  allowed  to  pass  as  an  orig- 
inal feature  of  the  Gospel  narrative.*  We  are  re- 
minded that  in  the  Buddha-legend  there  is  mention 

1  Influence,  p.  25.  ^  Qp.  cit.  p.  107. 

^  Ififltience,  p.  25. 

*  Bunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  34.  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  135.  Lillie,  Influence, 
p.  26. 


Fictions  241 

of  a  star  as  well,  Pushya  (the  Flower),  at  the  time  of 
whose  conjunction  Buddha  was  born.^ 

Mr.  Lillie  calls  it  the  "  king  of  stars,"  and  tells  us 
that  "  Colebrooke,  the  best  astronomer  of  Oriental 
philologists,  identifies  this  with  the  Delta  of  Cancer."  "^ 

But  neither  is  Pushya  the  king  of  stars,  nor  is  it 
identified  even  by  Colebrooke  with  the  insignificant 
star  alleged.  Colebrooke,'^  like  all  other  competent 
scholars,  recognizes  Pushya  to  be,  not  a  single  star, 
but  an  asterism  consisting  of  three  stars  in  the  con- 
stellation Cancer,  the  chief  one  being  Delta.  Pushya 
is  one  of  the  twenty-eight  asterisms  constituting  the 
Hindu  lunar  zodiac,  by  which  the  different  parts  of 
the  year  are  designated.  The  appearance  of  Pushya 
on  the  eastern  horizon  at  the  time  of  sunset  was  thus 
a  regular  annual  phenomenon.  It  has  not  the  remot- 
est resemblance  with  the  mysterious  star  mentioned 
in  the  Gospel  as  having  gone  before  the  wise  men  in 
their  westward  journey  till  it  stopped  over  the  place 
where  Jesus  was. 

(6)  Closely  connected  with  this  spurious  parallel 
is  the  alleged  coincidence  of  the  birthday  of  Jesus 
with  that  of  Buddha.  Mr.  Lillie,'*  who  dwells  at 
length  on  this  point,  informs  us  that  "  Mr.  de  Bunsen 

1  Professor  Seydel  allows  himself  to  be  led  into  IJunsen's  error  of 
assigning  the  appearance  of  Pushya  to  the  time  of  Buddha's  incarna- 
tion. 

■•^  Buddhism  171  Christendom,  p.  19. 

3  Essays,  II.  p.  293  (Cowell's  edition).  Cf.  W.  D.  Whitney,  Ori- 
ental and  Linguistic  Studies,  Second  Series,  N.  Y.  1874,  p.  352. 

*  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhistn,  p.  182. 

16 


242  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

was  the  first  to  discover  that  Buddha  was  born  on 
the  25th  of  December."  Invention,  not  discovery,  is 
the  proper  term  to  apply  to  the  curious  and  very 
erroneous  result  obtained,  not  from  the  consideration 
of  the  data  given  in  the  original  sources,  but  from 
the  combination  of  a  Chinese  translation  of  the  sixth 
century  with  a  Hindu  New  Year  reckoning  belonging 
to  the  Middle  Ages.^ 

Both  writers  might  have  saved  themselves  many 
pages  of  worthless  discussion,  had  they  made  use  of 
the  indications  plainly  set  forth  in  the  Buddha  CJiarita, 
or  the  Lalita  Vistara.  In  chapter  vii.  of  the  latter,^ 
we  read  that  the  birth  took  place  at  the  time  of  the 
conjunction  of  the  asterism  Pushya.  That  both  Mr. 
Lillie  and  Mr.  Bunsen  should  have  ignored  this,  is 
not  a  little  surprising,  since  they  did  not  fail  to  make 
use  of  it  to  duplicate  the  Gospel  incident  of  the  star. 
The  time  of  Buddha's  birth  was  thus  the  time  of  con- 
junction of  the  full  moon  with  the  asterism  Pushya,  in 
other  words,  when  the  group  of  stars.  Gamma,  Delta, 
and  Theta  of  Cancer  were  in  opposition  to  the  sun, 
and  hence  appearing  on  the  eastern  horizon  at  sun- 
set.^ This  happens  about  the  middle  of  January, 
not  on  Christmas  day. 

There  is  another  indication  that  leads  to  the  same 
result.     Chapter  vi.    of  the   Lalita    Vistara  ^    opens 

1  Cf.  Bunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  18.  ^  a„„_  j\f„s.  Gnim.  VI.  p.  74. 

'  Cf.  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  VI.  p.  432;  VII. 
pp.  21,  68-69. 

*  Ann.  Mus.  Gtiim.  VI.  p.  54. 


Fictions  243 

with  the  statement  that  Buddha's  incarnation  took 
place  "in  the  month  Vaisaka  [April-May],  when 
the  asterism  Visaka  appeared."  Mr.  Lillie  himself  is 
familiar  with  this  very  passage,  for  only  two  pages 
before  the  place  in  his  book  where  he  gives  Decem- 
ber 25  as  the  birthday  of  Buddha,  he  writes:  "So 
in  spring,  when  appears  the  constellation  Visakha 
[April-May],  the  Bodhisattva  .  .  .  entered  the  right 
side  of  his  mother."  ^  Now  all  the  forms  of  the 
legend  agree  in  assigning  ten  lunar  months  (nine 
solar  months)  to  the  period  of  gestation,  so  that 
Buddha's  birth  could  not  have  taken  place  before 
the  middle  of  January.  This  doubtless  explains  why 
this  "discovery"  of  Mr.  Bunsen  has  received  no 
recognition  in  the  scientific  world. 

(7)  The  attempt  to  find  a  parallel  to  the  wise  men 
offering  to  the  infant  Jesus  gold,  frankincense,  and 
myrrh  is  no  more  successful.  Professor  Seydel,^ 
under  the  caption  "  gold,  frankincense,  and  myrrh," 
remarks  that  Buddha,  not  yet  born,  received  from  the 
god  Brahman  a  dewdrop  containing  all  power,  and, 
immediately  after  birth,  was  presented  by  gods  and 
nymphs  with  incense  and  spikenard,  while  later  on, 
the  Sakya  princes  bestowed  on  him  splendid  palaces 

1  Buddha  and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  73.  According  to  the  South- 
ern legend,  it  was  at  this  time  that  Buddha  was  born.  Cf.  Rhys 
Davids,  Buddhist  Birth  Stories,  p.  63.  Hardy,  Manual  of  Budhistn, 
p.  146. 

-  Op.  cit.  p.  139. 


244  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

to  live  in.  This  is  anything  but  a  counterpart  of  the 
Gospel  story.^ 

Mr,  Lillie  -  is  misleading,  when  he  complacently 
says  of  this  futile  effort,  "  Seydel,  in  a  chapter  headed, 
*  Gold,  frankincense,  and  myrrh,'  draws  attention  to 
the  similarity  of  the  gift-presents  in  the  Indian  and 
Christian  narratives."  Not  content,  however,  with 
this  alleged  parallel,  he  resorts  to  the  story  told  in 
the  ninth  chapter  of  the  Lalita  Vistara,  that  the  young 
Gotama  was  taken  in  great  pomp  to  the  royal  garden 
and  adorned  with  every  imaginable  ornament,  —  rings, 
bracelets,  necklaces,  ear-rings,  and  cinctures,  of  gold 
and  precious  stones,  —  but  such  was  the  splendor  of 
his  body  that  these  ornaments  seemed  to  have  lost 
their  brilliancy.^ 

It  is  plain  that  this  story  offers  but  a  remote  resem- 
blance to  the  Gospel  incident. 

(8)  In  the  story  of  King  Bimbisara,  which  is  first 
found  in  the  Romantic  Legend^  belonging  to  the 
sixth  century,  Professor  Seydel  ^  and  Mr.  Lillie*^  think 
they  see  the  prototype  of  the  Gospel  story  of  King 
Herod.  Like  Herod  and  a  thousand  others,  Bimbi- 
sara was  a  king,  ruling  in  the  city  of  Rajagriha.     Like 

1  The  earliest  authority  for  this  bestowing  of  gifts  at  birth  is  the 
Lalita  Vistara,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  much  more  recent  than  the 
Gospels.  It  relates,  that  myriads  of  nymphs  showered  upon  Maya 
flowers,  perfumes,  garlands,  ointments,  vestments,  and  ornaments. 
Ann.  Mus.  Giiim.  VI.  p.  84. 

'^  Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  30. 

3  Cf.  also  Romantic  Legend,  p.  64.  *  pp.  103-104. 

^  Op.  cit.  pp.  142-143.  ^  Ifijluence,  p.  28. 


Fictions  245 

many  other  monarchs,  Herod  included,  he  was  not 
without  fear  that  some  rival  might  contest  his  su- 
premacy. Unlike  the  case  of  Herod,  there  was  no 
helpless  infant  in  his  kingdom  whose  death  he  sought 
to  compass,  lest  one  day  it  might  prove  a  claimant  to 
the  throne.  He  was  simply  warned  of  the  waxing 
strength  of  the  neighboring  prince,  Gotama,  who, 
grown  to  youthful  vigor,  was  soon  to  take  the  reins 
of  power  and  might  show  himself  a  formidable  rival. 
He  was  advised  to  send  an  army  at  once  into  his 
neighbor's  kingdom,  and  destroy  him.  But  the  king, 
who,  unlike  Herod,  was  a  just  man,  indignantly  re- 
jected so  wicked  a  proposal.  Always  on  friendly 
terms  with  Gotama,  he  became  a  convert  to  the  new 
religion. 

It  is  only  an  overwrought  fancy  that  could  see  a 
counterpart  to  the  Gospel  story  in  such  a  tale  as  this, 

(9)  Mr.  Bunsen  ^  sees  in  the  appellation  "  habba," 
the  "  coming  one,"  applied  by  the  Jews  to  the  ex- 
pected Messiah,  an  echo  of  the  common  epithet  of 
Buddha,  Tathagata,  to  which  he  attaches  the  same 
meaning.  Since  there  is  not  a  single  Sanskrit  or  Pali 
scholar  who  gives  it  this  meaning,  Mr.  Bunsen's  con- 
tention is  valueless.^ 

(10)  All  three  writers^  point  to  the  legend  of  Bud- 

1  Op.  cit.  p.  18. 

2  Tathagata  is  best  rendered  "  the  perfect  one."  Cf.  Oldenberg, 
Buddha,  p.  126. 

'■''  liunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  30.  —  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  14S.  —  W\\\&,  Bud- 
dhism in  Christeiido7?i,  p.  25. 


246  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

dha  at  the  ploughing-match  as  the  pattern  after  which 
the  Gospel  story  of  the  lost  child  Jesus  was  modelled. 
The  Buddhist  story  is  found  in  two  forms.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Pali  form,  Buddha,  when  an  infant  of  five 
months,  was  put  by  his  nurses  in  the  shade  of  a  Jambu- 
tree,  while  they  withdrew  to  an  adjoining  field  to  wit- 
ness the  royal  ploughing-match.  So  absorbed  did 
they  become  in  the  contest  that  they  forgot  about 
their  little  charge,  and  when  they  returned  some  hours 
later,  they  found  the  babe  sitting  upright  and  motion- 
less, in  deep  meditation,  still  shaded  by  the  tree, 
though  the  shadows  of  all  the  other  trees  had  turned. 
The  king  was  summoned  to  witness  the  miracle,  and 
fell  in  adoration  before  him.^ 

In  the  story  as  known  to  the  Northern  school,  this 
episode  is  told  of  Buddha  when  a  young  man.  The 
Lalita  Vistara'^  puts  the  incident  before  his  marriage; 
but  according  to  the  oldest  versions,^  it  took  place  on 
the  eve  of  his  flight  from  home.  Disgusted  at  the  sight 
of  suffering,  which  even  the  diversion  of  the  plough- 
ing-match could  not  keep  from  view,  he  quietly  re- 
tired to  a  neighboring  Jambu-tree,  where  he  sat,  with 
crossed  legs,  and  lapsed  into  a  meditative  trance. 
Rishis,  arrested  in  their  flight,  came  to  do  him 
homage.  The  king  missed  him,  and  fearing  some 
mishap,  went  out  in  search  of  him  with  attendants. 

1  Hardy,  Manual  of  Bndhism,  p.  150.  2  q)^   ^i. 

3  Buddha  Charita,  v.  Cf.  also  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  pp.  xx  and  48.  The 
Buddha  Charita  and  its  Chinese  version  make  no  mention  of  the 
Jambu-tree  or  of  the  Rishis. 


Fictions  247 

He  soon  found  him  sitting  motionless  in  the  arrested 
shadow  of  the  Jambu-tree. 

It  is  plain  that  with  the  single  exception  of  the 
search  for  the  young  prince,  who,  far  from  being  lost, 
was  well  able  to  look  after  himself,  this  legend  is 
quite  unlike  the  story  of  the  lost  Jesus. 

(11)  We  are  gravely  informed  by  each  of  the  three 
writers^  that  as  Jesus,  on  the  eve  of  his  public  min- 
istry, suffered  himself  to  be  baptized  in  the  Jordan, 
so  Buddha,  on  the  eve  of  his  enlightenment  under  the 
Bodhi-tree,  sought  baptism  in  the  river  Nairanjana. 
This  is  a  curious  instance  of  the  wish  being  father  to 
the  thought;  for  the  various  versions  of  the  legend 
simply  state  that  before  partaking  of  the  rice  and 
cream  prepared  for  him  by  the  shepherd's  daughter, 
he  went  into  the  stream  and  bathed.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  this  was  not  the  first  time  that 
Buddha  subjected  himself  to  this  kind  of  baptism.^ 

(12)  Mr.  Lillie,^  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Bunsen, 
tries  to  persuade  his  readers  that  Buddha,  like  Christ, 
began  to  preach  at  thirty  years  of  age.  But  Mr. 
Bunsen's  authority  is  here  of  no  account,  for  it  has 
not  a  single  Buddhist  text  to  give  it  support.  Both 
the  Sanskrit  and  the  Pali  scriptures  agree  in  teaching 

1  Bunsen,  Op.  cit.  p.  42. —  Seydel,  Op.  cit.  p.  155.  —  Lillie,  Bud- 
dha and  Early  Buddhism,  p.  155. 

-  Great  stress  is  laid  on  the  mystic  significance  of  "  crossing  to 
the  other  shore  "  of  the  river  on  this  occasion.  But  as  this  element 
is  ignored,  and  even  contradicted,  by  the  ancient  forms  of  the  legend, 
it  is  fair  to  presume  that  its  importance  is  set  too  high. 

^  Injineiice,  p.  44. 


248  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

that  Buddha  left  his  home  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine 
years,  and  only  after  six  years  of  asceticism  attained  to 
Buddhaship,  and  preached  his  first  sermon  at 
Benares.^ 

(13)  One  of  the  Gospel  incidents  which,  in  the 
mind  of  Professor  Seydel,^  point  unmistakably  to  Bud- 
dhist influence,  is  the  story  in  the  first  chapter  of 
John,  about  Nathaniel  and  the  fig-tree.  As  the  new 
disciple  came  with  Philip,  Jesus  said:  "Before  Philip 
called  thee,  when  thou  wast  under  the  fig-tree,  I  saw 
thee,"  whereupon  Nathaniel  recognized  Him  as  the 
Messiah.  Here,  then,  observes  Professor  Seydel,  we 
have  the  fig-tree  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Christ's  messiahship  and  with  the  winning  of  two 
disciples.  This  association  is  so  peculiar  as  to  call 
for  explanation.  Now  if  we  turn  to  the  Buddha- 
legend,  the  mystery  is  solved.  For  Buddha  attained 
to  his  enlightenment  under  the  Bodhi-tree,  which 
was  a  pippala,  or  variety  of  fig-tree.  It  was  while 
sitting  under  the  sacred  fig-tree,  immediately  after 
his  enlightenment,  that  he  converted  the  two  mer- 
chants, Tapussa  and  Bhallika.  The  winning  of  these 
first  two  converts  under  the  Bodhi-tree  supplies  the 
key  to  the  explanation  of  the  similar  incident  which, 
in  John,  has  such  an  awkward  setting. 

But  is  not  fancy  here  taking  the  place  of  reason? 

^  Two  Chinese  versions  give  nineteen  years  as  the  age  of  Buddha 
when  leaving  home.     Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIX.  pp.  x.\i,  xxvi. 
2  Op.  cit.  pp.  168-170,  also,  296. 


Fictions  249 

Analyze  the  alleged  parallel  closely,  and  it  quickly 
resolves  itself  into  a  series,  not  of  resemblances,  but 
of  contrasts.     The  sacred  fig-tree  is  associated  with  the 
Buddhaship,  for  beneath  it  Buddha  attained  to  per- 
fect wisdom.     Buddha,  according  to  the    inaccurate 
statement    of    Professor    Seydel,    while    still    sitting 
beneath  the  tree,  makes  his  first  two  converts,  mer- 
chants, who,  being  won  over  to  the  new  law,  go  on 
their  way  rejoicing.     They  are  not  numbered  among 
his    intimate  disciples.     On  the    other   hand,    Philip 
and  Nathaniel  are   not  the  first  to   be  won   over    to 
Christ.     Peter  and  John  preceded    them.     They  did 
not  merely  believe  in  Christ;  they  joined  themselves 
to  the  small  band  of   His  familiar  disciples.     Christ 
did  not,  after  the  alleged    example  of  Buddha,   win 
them  over  while  sitting  under  the  fig-tree ;   nor  is  any 
close  connection  of  the  fig-tree  with  His  messiahship 
implied.     He  led  Nathaniel  to  recognize  Him  to  be 
the    Messiah    by    giving    proof  of  His    superhuman 
knowledge.     He  declared  that  when   Nathaniel    was 
under   the  fig-tree,    He    knew   him.     Thus   the    only 
thing  in  the  two  incidents  that  offers  a  basis  for  com- 
parison  is  the  fig-tree.     But   as  fig-trees  were  com- 
mon   enough  in  Palestine,    it  is  hardly  necessary  to 
go    to  India  to  find    the  explanation   of  this    trivial 
coincidence. 

(14)  Another  story  thought  by  Professor  SeydeP 
and  Mr.  Lillie  ^  to  bear  the  unmistakable  impress  of 

i  Op.  cit.  pp.  230-231.  2  Influence,  pp.  54-SS- 


250  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Buddhist  speculation  is  that  mentioned  in  JoJin,  ix. 
1-4,  concerning  the  man  born  bHnd.  The  question 
put  to  Jesus  by  His  disciples,  "  Who  did  sin,  this  man 
or  his  parents?"  is  made  to  bear  witness  that  the 
disciples  were  imbued  with  Buddhist  ideas  of  rebirth, 
with  the  evil  consequences  of  sin  committed  in  a 
previous  life.  Professor  Seydel,  in  confirmation, 
calls  attention  to  a  parable  in  the  Lotus  of  the  True 
Lazv,  in  which  a  physician  cures  a  blind  man,  declar- 
ing beforehand  that  his  infirmity  was  the  result  of  a 
previous  life  of  sin. 

The  fictitious  character  of  this  alleged  resemblance 
reveals  itself  on  a  moment's  reflection.  First  of  all, 
the  fact  that  the  doctrine  of  rebirth  was  not  unknown 
in  Palestine  in  the  time  of  Christ,  while  betraying 
foreign  influence,  would  not  necessarily  point  to  a 
Buddhist  source ;  for  the  doctrine  was  known  to  the 
Greeks,  as  well,  as  far  back  as  Pythagoras.^ 

In  the  second  place,  granted  that  this  notion  was 
in  the  air,  the  question,  "  Did  this  man  sin  or  his 
parents?"  need  not  imply  that  the  speaker  held  the 
doctrine  of  metempsychosis  himself.  The  know- 
ledge that  some  held  it,  and  the  suspicion  that  it 
might  be  true,  would  be  enough  to  account  for  the 
question, 

1  Mr.  Lillie,  following  Mr.  Bunsen,  makes  the  gratuitous  asser- 
tion that  Pythagoras  borrowed  his  particular  views  from  Buddha. 
Scholars  think  otherwise.  "The  story  of  Pythagoras'  journey  lo 
India  is  taken  by  modern  critics  to  be  a  fable.  Sound  scholarship 
recognizes  the  independent  origin  of  Greek  and  Indian  philosophy." 
Lassen,  Indische  Alterthumskunde,  I.  p,  S62. 


Fictions  251 

Thirdly,  it  is  incredible  that  the  disciples  would 
have  held  the  Buddhist  doctrine  of  karma  without  the 
positive  approbation  of  Jesus.  But  how  absolutely 
foreign  to  His  mind  was  any  such  notion,  is  plainly 
shown  by  His  reply :  "  Neither  did  this  man  sin  nor 
his  parents ;  but  that  the  works  of  God  should  be 
made  manifest  in  him."  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  a 
more  absolute  denial  of  the  doctrine  of  karma  than 
this. 

Professor  Seydel's  appeal  to  the  parable  of  the 
blind  man  in  the  Lotus  of  the  Ti'uc  Lazv  is  of  no 
avail,  for  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  antedates  this  work 
by  at  least  a  century. 

(15)  In  the  MaJiavagga}  the  story  is  told  of  the 
young  nobleman  Yasa,  who  abandoned  his  home  to 
become  a  monk.  It  is  identical  with  the  story  of 
Buddha's  flight  from  home,  and  seems  to  be  the 
original'  and  not  the  copy.  Yasa  had  three  palaces, 
one  for  each  season,  in  which  he  lived  a  life  of  care- 
less pleasure,  surrounded  by  female  musicians.  One 
night  he  awoke,  and  by  the  light  of  the  lamp,  saw  his 
female  attendants  lying  asleep  in  all  sorts  of  hideous 
positions.  Disgusted  at  the  sight,  he  put  on  his  gilt 
slippers,  and  fled.  A  mysterious  hand  opened  the 
door  of  his  palace  and  the  gate  of  the  city,  so  that 
he  was  able  to  make  his  way  without  hindrance  to 
the  deer-park.  There,  in  the  gray  light  of  the  morn- 
ing,   he  came    upon  Buddha  walking  up  and    down 

1  i.  -j.—S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  102. 


252  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

in  the  open  air.  He  unburdened  himself  to  him,  lis- 
tened to  his  exhortations,  and  became  a  disciple. 

This  is  the  character  that  Mr.  Lillie  ^  would  have 
us  take  as  the  prototype  of  Nicodemus.  "  Professor 
Rhys  Davids  points  out  that  Yasas,  a  rich  young 
man,  came  to  Buddha  by  night  for  fear  of  his  rich 
relations."  On  comparisons  like  these  no  comment 
is  needed. 

(16)  "Buddha's  triumphal  entry  into  Rajagriha," 
says  Mr.  LiUie,^  "  has  been  compared  to  Christ's  entry 
into  Jerusalem."  The  merit  of  originating  this  com- 
parison seems  to  belong  to  Professor  Seydel.^  But 
apart  from  the  fact  that  the  story  is  not  found  in  the 
most  ancient  forms  of  the  Buddha-legend,  and  is 
entirely  unknown  to  the  Northern  school,  the  points 
of  resemblance  are  too  few  to  warrant  the  name  of  a 
parallel.  Buddha,  accepting  an  invitation  to  dine 
with  Bimbisara,  king  of  Rajagriha,  sets  out  in  the 
morning  with  his  band  of  monks.  As  he  enters  the 
city,  a  deva,  assuming  the  form  of  a  beautiful  youth, 
precedes  Buddha,  and  announces  in  song  to  the 
inhabitants  that  the  most  perfect  of  kings,  exempt 
from  all  passions,  free  from  the  miseries  of  rebirth, 
worthy  of  the  homage  of  gods  and  men,  is  coming. 
Of  anything  like  an  enthusiastic  greeting  on  the  part  of 
the  people,  of  a  strewing  of  branches  or  flowers  before 
him,  there  is  not  a  word.^     The  parallel  is  reduced  to 

1  Influence,  p.  47.  ^  /^/^.  p.  ^-j. 

8  Op.  cit.  p.  255.  *  Bigandet,  Op.  cit.  pp.  154-155- 


Fictions  253 

the  single  common  feature  of  entering  into    a  city. 
In  other  words,  it  is  no  parallel  at  all. 

(17)  Mr.  Lillie  ^  lays  himself  open  to  severe  criti- 
cism in  his  attempt  to  draw  a  parallelism  between  the 
Last  Supper  of  Jesus  and  the  final  meal  prepared  for 
Buddha  by  Chunda,  the  smith.  His  designation  of 
this  meal  as  a  "  last  supper  "  is  singularly  inappro- 
priate;  for  Buddha  was  not  wont  to  sup  at  all,  being 
obliged  by  his  rule  of  life  to  eat  but  once  a  day,  and 
that  before  noon.^  But  what  he  says  of  this  meal  is 
more  objectionable  still :  "  A  treacherous  disciple 
changed  his  alms-bowl,  and  apparently  he  was  poi- 
soned. ...  It  will  be  remembered  that  during  the 
last  supper  of  Jesus  a  treacherous  disciple  '  dipped 
into  his  dish,'  but  as  Jesus  was  not  poisoned,  the 
event  had  no  sequence." 

This  comparison  would  be  of  little  weight,  even  if 
both  sides  were  correctly  stated.  But  the  fact  is  that 
the  Buddhist  episode,  besides  being  of  tardy  origin,^ 
is  strangely  misrepresented.  In  the  Tibetan  source 
from  which  he  pretends  to  have  drawn  it,  there  is 
mention,  not  of  a  treacherous  disciple,  but  of  a 
wicked  one.  Nor  is  it  related  that  this  wicked  dis- 
ciple changed  his  master's  dish  and  poisoned  him, 
but  simply  that,  in  his  greed,  he  took  for  himself  the 
superior  food  which  was  meant  for  Buddha,  so  that 

1  Influence,  p.  65.     Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  193. 

2  The  Book  of  the  Great  Decease  states  that  the  meal  in  question 
took  place  early  in  the  morning.      Vide  supra,  p.  77. 

3  It  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of  the  Great  Decease. 


254  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

the  host  was  obHged  to  have  another  bowl  of  equally 
choice  contents  prepared  for  his  distinguished  guest.^ 

Such  are  the  elements  out  of  which  Mr.  Lillie  seeks 
to  build  up  the  Buddhist  model  of  the  Last  Supper ! 

(i8)  The  following  statement  of  Mr.  Bunsen  ^  is  an 
absolute  fiction,  for  which  there  is  not  a  shred  of 
evidence  in  Buddhist  records:  "  Gautama  Buddha  is 
said  to  have  announced  to  his  disciples  that  the  time 
of  his  departure  had  come.  'Arise,  let  us  go  hence, 
my  time  is  come.'  Turning  towards  the  east,  and 
with  folded  hands,  he  prayed  to  the  highest  Spirit, 
who  inhabits  the  region  of  purest  hght,  to  Maha- 
Brahma." 

It  is  easy  to  recognize  in  these  words  the  influence 
of  the  author  of  the  Light  of  Asia.  To  make  the 
personages  of  the  Buddha-legend  speak  the  language 
of  scripture  is  questionable  even  in  a  poet.  But  it  is 
absolutely  inexcusable  in  one  who  pretends  to  write 
as  a  man  of  science. 

(19)  The  inanity  of  the  following  comparison  is  too 
patent  to  call  for  discussion.  "  '  Then  all  His  disciples 
forsook  Him  and  fled.'  It  is  recorded  that  on  one 
occasion,  when  a  '  must'  elephant  charged  furiously, 
'  all  the  disciples  deserted  Buddha.  Ananda  alone 
remamed.      ^ 

(20)  Fit  to  be  classed  with  the  preceding  is  the 
Buddhist  parallel  proposed  to  the  conversion  of  the 

1  Rockhill,  Life  of  the  Eiiddha,  p.  133. 

2  Op.  cit.  p.  48.  ^  Infuetice,  p.  58. 


Fictions  255 

thief  on  the  cross.  Referring  to  the  Chinese  Dham- 
mapada,  Mr.  LiUie  ^  gravely  informs  us  that  "  Buddha 
confronts  a  terrible  bandit  in  his  mountain  retreat,  and 
converts  him." 

(21)  Scarcely  less  trivial  is  the  Buddhist  parallel  to 
the  parting  of  Christ's  garments.  "  The  Abbe  Hue 
tells  us  that  on  the  death  of  the  Bokte  Lama,  his 
garments  are  cut  into  little  strips  and  prized  im- 
mensely." ^ 

(22)  The  resurrection  of  the  body  forms  no  part  of 
Buddhist  belief  Yet,  nothing  daunted,  Mr.  Lillie^ 
finds  a  Buddhist  parallel  to  the  Gospel  narrative  that 
after  the  death  of  Christ  on  the  cross,  the  bodies  of 
the  saints  that  slept  arose.  Referring  to  the  Tibetan 
Buddha-legend,  he  says,  "  When  Buddha  died  at 
Kusinagara,  Ananda  and  another  disciple  saw  many 
denizens  of  the  unseen  world  in  the  city,  by  the  river 
Yigdan." 

{23)  So,  too,  the  resurrection  of  Christ  and  His 
appearing  to  many,  are  not  without  their  alleged 
Buddhist  prototype ;  for  a  Chinese  version,  which 
Mr.  Lillie*  forgets  to  say  is  centuries  later  than  the 
Gospel  narrative,  tells  how  the  dead  Buddha,  to  soothe 
his  mother,  who  had  come  down  weeping  from  the 
sky,  opened  the  lid  of  his  coffin  and  appeared  to 
her! 

1  Influence,  p.  6i.  2  Lillie,  Op.  cit.  p.  67. 

^  Ibid.  p.  66.  This  incident  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of  the 
Great  Decease. 

■*  Influence,  p.  67.     Buddhism  in  Christendom,  p.  196. 


256  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

(24)  To  show  the  source  of  the  saying  of  Christ, 
"  If  thy  right  eye  offend  thee,  phick  it  out,"  the 
same  writer  ^  gives  a  story  from  the  Ocean  of  Worlds, 
which  he  neglects  to  say  does  not  belong  to  the  can- 
onical Buddhist  scriptures  :  "  A  young  monk  meets 
a  rich  woman  who  pities  his  hard  lot.  '  Blessed  is 
the  woman  who  looks  into  thy  lovely  eyes.'  '  Lovely,' 
replied  the  monk,  '  look  here  !  '  And  plucking  out 
one  of  his  eyes,  he  held  it  up,  bleeding  and  ghastly, 
and  asked  her  to  correct  her  opinion." 

As  the  principle  on  which  the  monk  acted  may  be 
formulated,  "  If  thy  eye  cause  others  to  stumble, 
pluck  it  out,"  it  would  have  been  better  had 
Mr.  Lillie  sought  elsewhere  for  his  term  of  com- 
parison. 

(25)  The  well-known  similitude  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  to  the  pearl  of  great  price,  to  obtain  which 
the  merchant  sells  all  his  store,  is  compared  not  with 
a  similitude,  as  one  would  naturally  expect,  but  with 
a  story  that  Buddha,  when  a  merchant  in  a  former 
birth,  dropped  a  very  precious  gem  into  the  sea,  and, 
through  perseverance  and  determination,  recovered 
it!  2 

These  are  the  many  fictions  which  in  the  works 
under  review  are  set  forth  as  witnesses  against  the 
originality  of  Christianity.  Taken  together  with  the 
exaggerations  and  the  anachronisms  already  enu- 
merated,  they  constitute  the  great  majority  of  the 

1  Infliteiice,  p.  59.  2  /j/^.  p.  gj. 


Fictions  257 

alleged  parallels  that  are  pressed  into  service  to  do 
honor  to  Buddhism  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Christian 
religion.  Whether  the  small  remnant  of  genuine 
resemblances  throws  doubt  on  the  originality  of  the 
Gospels  will  be  discussed  in  the  following  chapter. 


17 


CHAPTER   V 

RESEMBLANCES   NOT   IMPLYING   DEPENDENCE 

Abuse  of  the  principle  that  resemblance  means  dependence — Re- 
semblances often  of  independent  origin  —  Examples  from  com- 
parative ethnology  and  religion  —  Explained  by  similarity  of 
conditions  and  by  the  uniformity  of  the  laws  of  thought  —  Further 
instances  —  Enumeration  of  the  Buddhist  parallels  wrongly  taken 
to  indicate  the  influence  of  Buddhism  on  Christianity. 

IT  is  a  mistake  frequently  committed  in  the  com- 
parison of  different  religious  systems  to  make 
too  large  a  use  of  the  principle  that  resemblance 
means  dependence.  No  principle  is  more  liable  to 
abuse ;  consequently,  none  should  be  applied  with 
greater  care.  For  both  experience  and  reflection 
give  warning  that  in  the  customs  and  sayings  of 
different  peoples,  there  are  many  resemblances  of 
quite  independent  origin.  So  common,  in  fact,  are 
such  resemblances  that  a  careful  scholar  will  be  slow 
to  suspect  an  historical  connection  except  in  very 
special  instances. 

Nothing  is  more  common  in  the  study  of  compara- 
tive ethnology  and  religion  than  to  find  similar  social 
and  religious  customs  practised  by  peoples  too  re- 
mote to  have  had  any  communication,  the  one  with 


Independent  Resemblances  259 

the  other.  Take,  for  example,  the  uncleanness  of 
the  mother  at  childbirth,  or  the  use  of  ordeals,  or 
the  custom  of  burying  with  the  dead  the  utensils 
needed  for  the  next  life,  or  the  belief  in  witchcraft, 
or  in  the  reincarnation  of  the  souls  of  the  dead  in 
human  and  animal  forms,  —  these  and  many  other 
observances  are  the  possession  of  peoples  native  to 
every  continent  of  the  earth,  peoples  absolutely  un- 
known to  one  another,  and  representing  almost  every 
degree  of  social  and  religious  progress.  Even  a 
custom  so  singular  as  the  couvade  has  been  found 
to  prevail  among  tribes  of  California,  New  Mexico, 
Brazil,  Western  China,  Southern  Asia,  among  the 
Tibareni  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  the  Basques  of 
Northern  Spain. 

It  needs  but  a  little  reflection  to  understand  how 
these  and  a  hundred  other  resemblances  take  their 
rise. 

All  the  world  over,  men  have  to  a  large  extent 
the  same  daily  experiences,  the  same  feelings,  the 
same  desires.  Now,  as  the  laws  of  human  thought 
are  everywhere  the  same,  it  lies  in  the  very  nature 
of  things  that  men,  in  so  far  as  they  have  the  same 
experiences,  will  think  the  same  thoughts,  and  give 
expression  to  them  in  sayings  and  customs  that  strike 
the  unreflecting  observer  by  their  similarity. 

It  is  particularly  in  the  sphere  of  moral  conduct 
that  resemblances  of  independent  origin  may  be 
looked  for.     Where  different  and  even  remote  peoples 


26o  Buddhism  and  Christianity- 

stand  on  an  equal  grade  of  culture,  man's  duties  to 
his  family,  his  friends,  his  tribes-men,  are  recognized 
by  all  with  about  the  same  degree  of  perspicuity. 
The  excellence  of  a  life  of  virtue,  such  as  it  is  con- 
ceived, is  held  in  equal  esteem.  Hence  it  is  that  the 
proverbs  of  such  peoples,  while  of  quite  independent 
origin,  offer  many  points  of  contact. 

The  forms  of  speech,  too,  in  which  these  thoughts 
find  expression,  are  often  very  much  alike.  Since 
the  use  of  figurative  language  is  universal,  it  is  not 
in  the  least  surprising  that  the  same  phenomena  of 
daily  experience  should  furnish  the  orator  in  every 
land  with  the  figures  that  lend  vividness  to  his  utter- 
ance, nor  is  it  at  all  strange  that  religious  teachers 
of  different  nations  should  give  point  to  their 
teachings  by  similar  parables  drawn  from  familiar 
examples  of  human  activity. 

When  Isaias,^  speaking  in  the  name  of  Jehovah, 
says  of  Cyrus :  "  He  is  my  shepherd  and  shall  per- 
form all  my  pleasure,"  or  when  Ezekiel,^  exercising 
a  similar  office,  says  of  David  :  "  And  I  will  set  up 
one  shepherd  over  them,  and  he  shall  feed  them, 
even  my  servant  David ;  he  shall  feed  them  and 
shall  be  their  shepherd,"  no  one  thinks  of  question- 
ing the  originality  of  the  figure  on  the  ground  that 
in  the  poems  of  Homer  the  favorite  epithet  applied 
to    Agamemnon    is    "shepherd    of    the    people."^ 

1  Isaias,  xliv.  28.  ^  Ezekiel,  xxxiv.  23. 

.8  Odyssey,  iii.  155. 


Independent  Resemblances  261 

Neither  is  there  any  cause  to  suspect  an  affinity 
between  the  house-simile  uttered  by  Buddha  under 
the  Bodhi-tree,  and  the  beautiful  soliloquy  of  Philo- 
laches,^  in  which  he  likens  himself  to  a  mansion  that 
is  in  sad  need  of  repair.  Nor  does  the  Buddha- 
epithet,  Sakya-sinha,  Sakya-lion,  imply  any  acquaint- 
ance on  the  part  of  Buddhists  with  the  similar  epithet 
given  centuries  before  to  Juda.  "  Juda  is  a  lion's 
whelp  ...  he  couched  as  a  lion."  ^  Nor  is  it  neces- 
sary to  have  recourse  to  the  second  chapter  of  Gene- 
sis to  account  for  the  Buddhist  conception  of  the 
Bodhi-tree.  Nor  need  we  see  in  the  verse  of  the  song 
of  David  given  in  //.  Kings,  xxii.  28,  "  For  Thou  art 
my  lamp,  O  Lord,"  the  source  of  the  Buddhist  say- 
ing, "  Be  ye  lamps  unto  yourselves,"  or  of  the  similar 
figure  used  by  an  Aztec  mother  in  instructing  her 
daughter:  "  It  will  be  to  you  as  a  lamp  and  a  beacon 
so  long  as  you  shall  live  in  this  world."  ^ 

These  reflections  serve  to  show  how  idle  is  the 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  writers  under  review  to 
make  capital  of  certain  Buddhist  parallels  that  offer 
an  undoubted  resemblance  to  utterances  found  in 
the  Gospels. 

We  are  all  familiar  with  the  beautiful  incident  told 

in  the  Gospel,  that  as  Jesus  was  one  day  preaching 

to  a   throng  of  listeners,   a  woman  cried  out  in  her 

1  riautus,  Mostellaria,  act.  i.  seen.  2.  ^  Gen.  xlix.  8. 

>•  Sahagun,  Ilistoria  de  Nueva  Espaha,  VI.  cap.  xix.  The  passage 
is  translated  by  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Vol.  II.  Appendix,  part 


11.  no.  I. 


262  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

enthusiasm,  "  Blessed  is  the  womb  that  bore  Thee 
and  the  breasts  that  gave  Thee  suck,"  whereupon 
our  Saviour  made  reply,  "  Yea,  rather,  blessed  are 
they  who  hear  the  word  of  God  and  keep  it."  ^ 

To  this  Professor  Seydel  ^  offers  what  he  thinks  a 
most  significant  parallel,  of  which  the  Gospel  inci- 
dent is  an  unmistakable  reflection.  The  Buddha- 
legend  tells  how  a  princess,  looking  down  from  her 
apartments  on  Gotama  as  he  passed  by,  paling  the 
splendor  of  his  retinue  by  his  personal  magnificence, 
was  carried  away  by  the  sight  and  cried  out: 
"  Happy  the  father  and  mother  who  have  such  an 
incomparable  son !  Happy  the  wife  who  has  so 
excellent  a  lord  !  "  But  Gotama,  seeing  that  real 
happiness  was  to  be  found  only  in  Nirvana,  made  up 
his  mind  to  renounce  the  world  that  very  night ;  and 
in  return  for  the  great  truth  which  the  words  of  the 
princess  had  brought  home  to  him,  he  loosed  a 
string  of  costly  pearls  from  his  neck  and  sent  it 
to  her.^ 

In  this  story,  there  is  but  one  feature  which  admits 
of  comparison  with  the  Gospel  incident,  namely,  the 
words  of  felicitation  which  the  princess  had  for  the 
mother  who  gave  birth  to  Gotama.  But  is  this  say- 
ing so  remarkable  that  Professor  Seydel  should  deny 

^  Luke,  xi.  27,  28. 

'•^  Die  Buddha-Legende  und  das  Leben  Jesu,  p.  20. 

3  Cf.  Legend  of  Gaudiwta,  I.  p.  58;  Buddha  Charita,  v.  24.  In  the 
original,  there  is  a  play  on  the  words  "  happiness"  and  "  Nirvana," 
which  sound  much  alike. 


Independent  Resemblances  263 

to  the  Gospel  parallel  the  merit  of  originality?  Is 
it  not  a  common  experience  that  parents  take  delight 
in  a  worthy  son?  Does  not  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
say  that  a  wise  son  maketh  a  glad  father?  Surely, 
then,  to  call  a  mother  happy  for  possessing  a  remark- 
able son  is  to  give  utterance  to  a  truism.  It  is  to 
say  what  has  doubtless  been  said  ten  thousand  times 
in  ev^ery  language.  A  saying  so  common  would  not 
have  had  a  place  either  in  the  Gospel  narrative  or  in 
the  Buddha-legend,  had  it  not  in  both  cases  given 
occasion  for  a  response  of  much  deeper  import. 

Every  religious  teacher  recognizes  certain  ideals, 
and  certain  states  which  it  is  a  blessed  thing  for  the 
individual  to  possess.  Hence  it  is  but  natural  that 
in  the  traditional  teachings  of  different  religions,  a 
number  of  beatitudes  should  be  found.  The  psalms 
abound  in  them.  There  is  thus  no  reason  for  resort- 
ing, as  Mr.  Lillie  does,^  to  the  following  Buddhist 
text  to  explain  the  presence  in  the  Sei'mon  on  the 
Mount  of  the  eight  incomparable  beatitudes. 

''  Many  angels  and  men 
Have  held  various  things  blessings, 
When  they  were  yearning  for  the  inner  wisdom. 
Do  thou  declare  to  us  the  chief  good. 

"  Not  to  serve  the  foolish, 
But  to  serve  the  spiritual ; 
To  honor  those  worthy  of  honor,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

1  Influence,  pp.  4S-49. 


264  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

"  To  dwell  in  a  spot  that  befits  one's  condition, 
To  think  of  the  effect  of  one's  deeds, 
To  guide  the  behavior  aright,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"  Much  insight  and  education, 
Self-control  and  pleasant  speech, 
And  whatever  word  be  well  spoken,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"To  support  father  and  mother, 
To  cherish  wife  and  child, 
To  follow  a  peaceful  callings  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"  To  bestow  alms  and  live  righteously^ 
To  give  help  to  kindred. 
Deeds  which  cannot  be  blamed,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"  To  abhor  and  cease  froiti  sin, 
Abstinence  from  strong  drink, 
Not  to  be  weary  in  well-doing,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"  Reverence  and  lowliness, 
Contentment  and  gratitude. 
The  hearing  of  Dharma  at  due  seasons, 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 

"  To  be  long-suffering  and  7neek, 
To  associate  with  the  tranquil, 
Religious  talk  at  due  seasons,  — 
This  is  the  greatest  blessing. 


Independent  Resemblances  265 

"  Self-restraint  and  purity, 
The  knowledge  of  noble  truths, 
The  attainment  of  Nirvana,  — 

This  is  the  greatest  blessing." 

From  the  Sutra  of  the  Forty-two  Sections,  an  early 
Chinese  compilation  of  Buddhist  teachings,  Mr.  Lillie  ^ 
gives  the  following  quotations  :  — 

"  By  love  alone  can  we  conquer  wrath.  By  good  alone 
can  we  conquer  evil.  The  whole  world  dreads  violence.  All 
men  tremble  in  the  presence  of  death.  Do  to  others  that 
which  ye  would  have  them  do  to  you.  Kill  not.  Cause  no 
death."  "Say  no  harsh  words  to  thy  neighbor.  He  will 
reply  to  thee  in  the  same  tone." 

These  Buddhist  texts  are  not  needed  to  account  for 
the  similar  teaching  of  Christ  to  love  our  enemies  and 
to  return  good  for  evil.  From  Mr.  Lillie's  point  of 
view,  consistency  would  demand  that  he  seek  the 
origin  of  the  Buddhist  texts  themselves  in  the  earlier 
teaching  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs  :  — 

"  A  soft  answer  turneth  away  wrath,  but  a  harsh  word 
stirreth  up  anger."  "  If  thine  enemy  be  hungry,  give  him 
to  eat;  if  he  be  thirsty,  give  him  water  to  drink;  then  shalt 
thou  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  his  head,  and  the  Lord  shall 
reward  thee."  ^ 

Figurative  language,  based  on  the  familiar  occupa- 
tion of  husbandry,  is  not  so  remarkable  that  the  Gos- 
pel parable  of  the  sower  should  be  traced  to  the 
following  text : '^  — 

^  Op.  cit.  p.  48.  2  Proverbs,  xv.  i  ;  xxv.  21,  22. 

2  Iiijiuence,  p.  51. 


266  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

"  It  is  recorded  that  Buddha  once  stood  beside  the  plough- 
man Kasibharadyaja,  who  reproved  him  for  his  idleness. 
Buddha  replied  thus,  'I,  too,  plough  and  sow,  and  from  my 
ploughing  and  sowing  I  reap  immortal  fruit.  My  field  is  re- 
ligion. The  weeds  that  I  pluck  up  are  the  passions  of  cleav- 
ing to  this  life.     My  plough  is  wisdom,  my  seed  purity.'  " 

The  same  judgment  holds  good  of  the  following 
texts,  that  are  not  without  their  corresponding  analo- 
gies in  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament:  — 


"  1 


"  As  men  sow,  thus  shall  they  reap.' 

"  A  man,"  says  Buddha,  "  buries  a  treasure  in  a  deep  pit, 
which  lying  concealed  therein  day  after  day,  profits  him 
nothing  ;  but  there  is  a  treasure  of  charity,  piety,  temperance, 
soberness,  a  treasure  secure,  impregnable,  that  cannot  pass 
away,  a  treasure  that  no  thief  can  steal.  Let  the  wise  man 
practise  Dharma.  This  is  a  treasure  that  follows  him  after 
death."     {Khuddaka  Fatha,  p.  13.)  ^ 

"  As  when  a  string  of  blind  men  are  clinging  one  to  the 
other,  neither  can  the  foremost  see,  nor  the  middle  one  see, 
nor  the  hindmost  see.  Just  so,  methinks,  Vasittha,  is  the 
talk  of  the  Brahmans  versed  in  the  three  Vedas."  {Tevijja 
Sutta,  i.  15.)  ^ 

"What  is  the  use  of  platted  hair,  O  fool!  What  of  a 
garment  of  skins  !  Your  low  yearnings  are  within  you,  and 
the  outside  thou  makest  clean  ! "     {Dhajnmapada,  394.) 

These  are  the  most  prominent  resemblances  that 
are  to  be  found  between  the  religious  teachings  of 
Christ  and  those  ascribed  to  Buddha.    In  not  a  single 

1  Influence,  p.  52.  ^  Ibid. 

s  Ibui.  p.  56. 


Independent  Resemblances  267 

instance  is  an  historical  connection  probable.  They 
have  their  fitting  explanation  in  the  principle  that  the 
human  mind,  working  in  similar  circumstances,  will 
give  birth  to  similar  thoughts. 

Lastly,  we  may  note  that  the  similarity  of  the  life- 
work  in  which  Jesus  and  Buddha  were  engaged  has 
given  rise  to  a  certain  number  of  parallels  which  can- 
not, however,  be  pressed  into  the  argument  without 
committing  a  flagrant  violation  of  historic  truth.  In 
each  case,  the  religion  was  propagated  by  preaching. 
Buddha,  like  Christ,  gathered  disciples  about  him, 
and  having  instructed  them  in  his  doctrines,  sent 
them  forth  to  convert  their  fellow-men.  We  read  that 
when  the  disciples  were  sixty-one  in  number,  Buddha 
said  to  them :  — 

"  Go  ye,  now,  O  Bhikkhus,  and  wander  for  the  gain  of 
the  many,  for  the  welfare  of  the  many,  out  of  compassion  for 
the  world,  for  the  good,  for  the  gain  and  for  the  welfare  of 
gods  and  men.     Let  not  two  of  you  go  the  same  way."  ^ 

• 

As  the  Gospel  speaks  of  John,  the  disciple  whom 
Jesus  loved,  so,  too,  do  we  hear  tell  of  Ananda,  the 
favorite  disciple  of  Buddha.  Nor  is  there  wanting  a 
counterpart  of  Judas,  —  Devadatta.  who  tried  to  foil 
Buddha's  plans,  and  even  made  several  ineffectual 
attempts  on  his  life. 

Another  similarity  between  Buddhism  and  Chris- 
tianity is  that  both  religions  failed  to  maintain  a  flour- 

1  Mahavagga,  i.  ii.     S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  ii2. 


268  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

ishing  existence  in  the  land  that  saw  them  rise.  They 
languished  at  home,  but  found  a  vigorous  life  and 
exercised  a  widespread  influence  abroad. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  resemblances  like  these, 
being  mere  coincidences,  give  no  evidence  of  the 
dependence  of  the  one  religion  upon  the  other. 


CHAPTER   VI 

ARGUMENTS   FOR   THE   INDEPENDENT   ORIGIN   OF 

THE   GOSPELS 

The  apostolic  origin  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  of  Luke  incompati- 
ble with  the  adoption  of  mythical  elements,  and  especially  of 
features  of  the  Buddha-legend  —  The  alleged  presence  of  Buddhist 
lore  in  Palestine  and  Greece  an  unwarranted  assumption  —  The 
second  Girnar  Edict  not  an  indication  of  Buddhist  activity  in  the 
western  possessions  of  Antiochus — The  meaning  of  Yavana 
(Yona),  and  of  Yavana(Yona)-loka  —  The  thirteenth  edict  not 
conclusive  evidence  of  the  existence  of  Buddhism  in  the  Greek- 
speaking  world  —  The  latter  disproved  by  the  silence  of  Greek 
literature  and  the  total  absence  of  Buddhist  remains  —  Inconsist- 
ent also  with  the  silence  of  the  Buddhist  chronicles  —  Alasadda, 
capital  of  the  Yona  country,  not  Alexandria  of  Egypt —  Zarmano- 
chegas  not  a  Buddhist. 

WE  have  already  seen  how  the  vast  array  of 
pretended  borrowings  on  the  part  of  Chris- 
tianity from  Buddhist  sources  dwindles  on  close 
examination  to  a  few  resemblances  which,  for  the 
greater  part,  are  easily  explained  on  the  ground  of 
independent  origin.  The  theory  that  Christianity  is 
little  more  than  a  recasting  of  Buddhist  elements  into 
a  new  form  thus  falls  to  the  ground  for  lack  of 
sufficient  coherent  material.  For  the  purpose  of 
refutation    further  arguments  are    superfluous ;     but 


2/0  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

completeness  of  view  demands  that  a  few  more  con- 
siderations be  dealt  with  that  are  quite  pertinent  to 
the  subject.  While  the  points  of  agreement  in  the 
two  religions  have  been  shown  not  to  be  so  remark- 
able as  to  create  a  likelihood  that  the  one  has  bor- 
rowed from  the  other,  there  are  on  the  other  hand, 
several  reasons  that  tell  with  great  force  against  the 
probability  of  an  infiltration  of  Buddhist  lore  into  the 
Gospels. 

First  of  all,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
Gospels  took  form  so  soon  after  the  death  of  Christ 
as  to  render  any  application  to  Him  of  Buddha  fables 
morally  impossible. 

Christ  was  not  a  figure  that  loomed  up  suddenly 
before  the  people  out  of  the  mist  of  an  unknown  past. 
For  three  long  years  He  had  lived  on  terms  of  closest 
familiarity  with  His  apostles  and  some  of  His  disci- 
ples. His  character  was  vividly  impressed  on  their 
minds.  Every  saying  and  act  of  importance  was 
carefully  noted.  Nor  were  the  striking  incidents  of 
His  childhood  likely  to  remain  unknown ;  for  among 
the  followers  who  cherished  His  memory  were  His 
own  mother  and  His  so-called  brothers  and  sisters. 

After  His  death.  His  acts  and  words  were  carefully 
treasured  up  in  the  minds  of  those  who  knew  Him 
best.  The  preaching  of  the  apostles  and  disciples 
consisted  largely  of  these  ineinorabilia  of  their  be- 
loved Master.  And  so  from  the  very  first  years  of 
the  Christian  Church,  there  existed  a  large  unwritten 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      271 

collection  of  sayings  and  doings  of  Christ  that  were 
preserved  with  jealous  care,  being  constantly  em- 
ployed in  the  sacred  office  of  making  Christ  crucified 
known  to  men. 

Now  so  long  as  Christ's  mother  and  His  disciples 
were  alive,  legendary  fancies  could  never  have  come 
by  mistake  to  form  part  of  the  authoritative  teaching 
concerning  the  person  and  work  of  our  blessed  Savior. 
Had  the  story  of  the  Magi,  for  example,  or  that 
of  Simeon  been  a  fable,  it  would  have  been  denied 
without  a  moment's  hesitation  by  Mary,  In  like 
manner,  the  apostles  would  have  been  the  first  to 
reject  any  spurious  accretions  to  the  story  of  Christ's 
public  life,  with  which  they  were  so  familiar.  Only 
by  fraudulent  design  could  myths  and  legends  have 
found  their  way  into  the  apostolic  memoirs  of 
Christ.  But  this  hypothesis  is  utterly  excluded  by 
the  unquestionable  sincerity  of  the  apostles,  who 
gave  up  all  that  the  world  holds  dear,  even  life  itself, 
in  testimony  of  the  truth  of  what  they  preached. 

Now  if  this  be  true  of  the  oral  preaching  of  the 
apostles,  it  is  true  as  well  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew 
and  Lttke,  in  which  the  narratives  of  Christ's  earliest 
years  are  to  be  found.  We  need  not  enter  into  the 
question  whether  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  was  really 
written  by  the  apostle  with  whose  name  it  is  linked. 
It  is  enough  for  our  purpose  to  bear  in  mind  that 
both  these  documents  represent  the  authoritative 
teaching   of  the    apostles,    having    been    composed 


272  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

while  many  of  the  apostles  and  disciples  were  still 
alive.  Most  biblical  scholars  are  now  agreed  in 
assigning  to  these  Gospels  a  date  ranging  from  70  to 
85  A.  D.  Even  so  sceptical  a  critic  as  Renan  holds 
the  Gospel  of  Luke  \.o  be  as  early  as  70-80  A.  d.  It 
stands  to  reason  then,  that  both  these  Gospels,  being 
composed  under  the  eyes  of  those  who  knew  Christ 
personally,  and  having  the  approbation  of  the  apostles 
so  as  to  be  reckoned  among  the  inspired  scriptures, 
could  not  have  been  embellished  with  fanciful  tales 
that  formed  no  part  of  the  personal  experience  of 
Jesus. 

But  if  fabulous  elements  in  general  could  not  have 
crept  into  the  Gospel  narrative,  least  of  all  could 
stories  from  the  Buddha-legend  have  become  part  of 
apostolic  teaching  concerning  the  life  of  Jesus.  Let 
us  grant,  for  argument's  sake,  that  the  legendary 
account  of  Buddha's  life  was  current  in  Palestine  in 
the  time  of  Christ.  How  are  we  to  imagine  for  a 
moment  that  myths  so  closely  associated  with  the 
name  of  Buddha  could  have  been  incorporated  un- 
wittingly into  the  biography  of  Christ?  The  very 
publicity  of  the  Buddha-legend  would  have  rendered 
such  a  confusion  impossible.  Even  a  fraudulent 
attempt  to  make  Christ  the  hero  of  the  Buddha-tales 
would  have  proved  a  disastrous  failure ;  for  so  fla- 
grant an  imposture  would  not  have  escaped  the 
notice  of  those  who  set  themselves  in  bitter  opposi- 
tion to  the  new  religion.     They  would  not  have  failed 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      273 

to  make  use  of  it  as  a  most  effective  weapon  for 
assailing  the  claim  of  Christianity  to  divine  origin. 
And  yet  in  the  attacks  of  Marcion,  Celsus,  Porphyry, 
and  Julian,  there  is  not  the  shadow  of  a  charge  that 
the  Christian  religion  was  guilty  of  arraying  itself  in 
the  borrowed  finery  of  Buddhism. 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  argument  under  review  is 
burdened  with  a  still  greater  difficulty;  for  its  chief 
premise,  that  Buddhist  lore  was  current  in  Palestine 
in  the  time  of  Christ,  lacks  positive  evidence  and 
must  be  set  down  as  a  gratuitous  assumption. 

We  have  already  seen  how  idle  it  is  to  try  to  make 
out  that  the  Essenes  were  Buddhists  and  hence  pur- 
veyors of  Buddhist  traditions.  That  they  were  ac- 
quainted with  such  traditions,  there  is  not  a  single 
respectable  proof.  Nor  do  the  rabbinical  schools 
betray  any  familiarity  with  Buddhist  lore.  In  the 
whole  range  of  Palestinian  literature  the  name  of 
Buddha  does  not  once  occur.  Of  the  Buddha-legend 
there  is  not  a  trace. 

Great  emphasis  is  laid  on  the  possibility  of  Bud- 
dhism having  made  its  way  to  Syria  and  Egypt  over 
the  great  trade-routes  that  connected  India  with  the 
civilization  of  the  West  from  early  times.  This  pos- 
sibility cannot  be  questioned.  But  it  counts  for  little 
unless  it  can  be  shown  to  have  been  realized.  India 
was  also  connected  by  trade-routes  with  Tibet  and 
Siam,  so  that  here,  as  well,  was  a  possibility  for  Bud- 
dhism to  extend  its  influence  long  before  the  Chris- 

18 


274  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

tian  era.  And  yet  it  was  not  till  centuries  after  the 
death  of  Christ  that  Buddhism  was  introduced  into 
those  countries. 

Is  there,  then,  any  positive  evidence  to  show  that 
the  Greek  world  was  familiar  with  Buddhist  thought 
at  the  time  that  Christ  was  born?  The  writers  under 
review  maintain  that  there  is,  and  of  such  cogency  as 
to  leave  no  room  for  doubt.  Let  us  submit  it  to  a 
careful  examination. 

Their  strongest  testimony  is  that  afforded  by  the 
rock-inscriptions  of  Asoka.  Mr.  Lillie  assures  us 
that,  "  They  have  set  at  rest  forever  the  question 
whether  Buddhism  was  propagated  Westwards."  ^ 

Of  these  inscriptions  there  are  three  that  refer  to 
the  existence  of  Buddhist  influence  among  Greek- 
speaking  peoples. 

One  of  them,  the  second  Girnar  edict,  runs  as 
follows :  — 

"  And,  moreover,  within  the  domains  of  Antiochus  the 
Greek  King,  of  which  Antiochus'  generals  are  the  rulers, 
everywhere  Piyadasi's  [Asoka's]  double  system  of  medical 
aid  is  established,  both  medical  aid  for  men  and  medical  aid 
for  animals,  together  with  medicaments  of  all  sorts,  which  are 
suitable  for  men  and  suitable  for  animals."  "^ 

In  this  edict,  Mr.  Lillie  ^  finds  convincing  evidence 
that  throughout   the  vast  realm   of  Antiochus,  the 

1  Buddhis7?t  in  Christendojii,  p.  232. 

2  Prinsep's  translation  {Journ.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Yll.  p.  159)  used 
by  Mr.  Lillie. 

3  Buddhism  in  Christefidom,  ch.  xviii. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      275 

Buddhist  emissaries  of  Asoka  were  actively  engaged 
in  the  charitable  ministrations  characteristic  of  their 
religion.  But  this  inference  is  altogether  too  sweep- 
ing. It  is  anything  but  likely  that  Antiochus  would 
have  allowed  so  extensive  a  meddling  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  his  empire  as  would  be  implied  by  the 
unreserved  interpretation  put  upon  the  edict  by 
Mr.  Lillie.  No  violence  is  done  to  the  text,  and  a 
far  greater  semblance  of  truth  is  had,  if  we  take 
the  words  to  mean  that  Buddhist  regulations  were 
allowed  to  prevail  in  that  part  of  the  Greek  empire 
that  bordered  on  the  possessions  of  Asoka ;  for  this 
extreme  eastern  portion  of  Antiochus'  dominion  was 
largely  inhabited  by  Buddhists. 

This  is  the  interpretation  which  the  emuient  scholar 
James  Prinsep  has  put  on  this  edict.  In  the  article 
in  which  he  first  made  known  to  the  world  the  con- 
tents of  these  rock-inscriptions  of  Girnar,  he  says  of 
the  second  edict  :  — 

"  We  may  readily  imagine  it  to  have  been  a  provision  in 
the  treaty  that  the  Buddhist  King  of  India  should  be 
allowed  to  establish  his  religious  and  humane  regulations 
among  those  of  the  same  faith  who  resided  under  the  rule 
of  Antiochus'  generals,  that  is,  Bactria  and,  perhaps,  Sinde."  ^ 

This  view  receives  strong  confirmation  from  the 
fifth  Girnar  edict,  which  gives  notice  that  Asoka,  in 
the  fourteenth  year  of  his  consecration  as  king,  has 

1  Jouni.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  VII.  p.  162. 


2/6  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

established    superintendents    of   religion   to  promote 
the  practice  of  virtue  by  men  of  every  sect. 

"  Among  the  Yavanas,  the  Kambojas,  the  Gandharas  .  .  . 
and  the  other  peoples  on  the  frontier,  they  look  after  the 
Brahmans  and  the  rich,  the  poor,  and  the  aged,  with  a  view 
to  their  welfare  and  happiness."  ^ 

Now  these  Yavanas,  of  which  the  edict  makes 
mention,  were  without  doubt  subjects  of  Antiochus. 
Yavana,  or  Yona,  is  the  Indian  word  for  Ionian,  that 
is,  Greek.  While  the  term  came  to  designate  any 
foreigner  from  the  West,  it  was  most  commonly 
used  to  call  to  mind  the  Greek-speaking  settlers  in 
Bactria,  Parthia,  and  the  adjoining  regions  border- 
ing on  India.'^ 

That  these  Greeks  of  the  extreme  East  were  the 
Yavanas  referred  to  in  the  edict  is  plain  from  the 
fact  that  they  were  classed,  like  the  Gandharas,  with 
the  people  on  the  frontier.  There  is  little  doubt  thai 
the  contents  of  the  other  edict  have  reference  likewise 
to  these  remote  subjects  of  King  Antiochus.  Thus, 
far  from  indicating  the  presence  of  Buddhism  in  the 
Greek  world  of  the  West,  the  edict  simply  testifies  to 
the  observance  in  Asoka's  day  of  Buddhist  practices 
of  benevolence  in  the  Kabul  valley  and  adjacent 
regions. 

1  Tr.  from  Senart,  Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  I.  p.  143. 

2  Lassen,  Indische  Alterthitmskundc,  I.  p.  861.  G.  Biihler,  6".  B.  E. 
II.  p.  Ivi.  Fergusson  and  Burgess,  Cave  Temples  of  India,  pp.  17 
and  59.     Cf.  Questions  of  King  Mili7ida,  S.  B.  E.  XXXV.  pp.  2  and  6. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      277 

Mr.  Lillie  tries  to  find  additional  support  to  his 
interpretation  of  the  edict  in  the  well-known  passage 
in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  Mahavansa,  which  tells 
of  the  propagation  of  Buddhism  abroad  under  the 
auspices  of  Asoka.     According  to  this  chronicle : 

1.  Majjhantika  evangelized  Kashmir  and  Gandhara,  win- 
ning 100,000  converts. 

2.  Mahadeva  evangelized  Mahisa,\vinning  80,000  converts. 

3.  Rakkhita  evangelized  Vanavasi, winning  60,000 converts. 

4.  Yona  Dhammarakkhita  evangelized  Aparantaka,  win- 
ning 70,000  converts. 

5.  Maha  Dhammarakkhita  evangelized  Maharattha,  win- 
ning 97,000  converts. 

6.  Malia  Rakkhita  evangelized  Yonaloka,  winning  187,000 
converts. 

7.  Majjhima  evangelized  Himavanta. 

8.  Sena  and  Uttara  evangelized  Savanna-bhumi. 

9.  Mahinda  and  four  others  evangelized  Lanka  (Ceylon). '^ 

Referring  to  the  sixth  missionary  enterprise  in  this 
list,  Mr.  Lillie,  with  the  absolute  assurance  of  one 
who  is  repeating  a  well  established  fact  of  history, 
asserts  that  Asoka's  missionary  Maha  Rakkhita  in- 
troduced Buddhism  into  Greece.  His  statement  is 
entirely  misleading.  According  to  the  text,  the 
place  evangelized  was  Yonaloka,  that  is,  the  region 
of  the  Yonas  or  Yavanas.  But,  as  we  have  just  seen, 
the  word  Yonas  meant,  for  the  people  of  India,  not 
so  much  the  natives  of  Greece,  as  the  Greek-speaking 
inhabitants  of  the  Bactrian  region,  with  whom  they 

^  G.  Turnour,  Mahawanso,  p.  71. 


278  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

were  brought  into  frequent  contact.  That  it  is  to 
these  Bactrian  Greeks  and  not  to  the  people  of 
Greece  that  the  word  Yonaloka  here  appHes,  all 
competent  scholars  are  agreed.  Among  these  may 
be  cited  Lassen,^  Burnouf,^  Cunningham;'^  Fergusson/' 
Rhys  Davids,^  and  E.  Hardy.*^ 

In  the  face  of  such  overwhelming  authority,  it  is 
the  height  of  rashness  for  Mr.  Lillie  to  appeal  to  this 
text  of  the  Mahavansa  in  proof  of  his  assertion  that 
the  religion  of  Buddha  was  made  known  to  the 
people  of  Greece.  Moreover,  his  interpretation 
commits  him  to  the  paradox  that  187,000  converts 
to  Buddhism  were  made  in  Greece  at  the  close  of  the 
third  century  without  exciting  a  single  note  of  com- 
ment in  their  contemporaries,  and  without  leaving  a 
trace  of  their  belief  in  the  literary  or  architectural 
monuments  of  their  native  land. 

The  chief  inscription  of  Asoka  which  is  thought 
to  bear  witness  to  the  existence  of  the  Buddhist 
religion  in  the  Greek-speaking  nations  of  the  West  is 
the  famous  thirteenth  edict  of  Girnar.  The  transla- 
tion which  Mr.  Lillie  uses  is  that  of  James  Prinsep. 
But  this  version,  being  based  solely  on  the  mutilated 
Girnar  text,  is  defective  in  the  very  part  where  accu- 

1  Indische  Alterthumskiiiide,  II.  p.  244. 

2  Introduction  d  V Histoire  du  Bouddhism  Iiidien,  p.  62S. 

3  Bhilsa    Topes,  p.   11 8.     C£.  also  Archceological  Survey  of  India, 
I.  p.  xx.xv. 

*   Cave  Temples  of  India,  p.  17. 

°  Buddhism,  p.  227.  ^  Buddhismus,  p.  112. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      279 

racy  is  most  needed.^  It  was  not  till  long  after  his 
death  that  the  duplicates  of  this  edict  were  discovered 
at  Khalsi  and  Kapur  di  Giri  which  enabled  scholars 
to  make  good  the  defects  of  the  Girnar  inscription. 
This  has  been  admirably  done  by  Senart,  and  it  is  from 
his  French  version  that  the  following  passage  from 
the  edict  is  translated. 

"  In  truth,  the  king,  dear  to  the  gods,  has  at  heart  secu- 
rity for  all  creatures,  respect  for  life,  peace,  and  happiness. 
These  are  the  things  that  the  king,  dear  to  the  gods,  takes  to 
be  the  conquests  of  religion.  It  is  in  these  religious  con- 
quests that  the  king,  dear  to  the  gods,  finds  delight  both  in 
his  own  empire  and  over  all  the  border  lands  for  the  distance 
of  many  hundred  yojanas.^  Among  these  [neighbors  arej 
Antiochus,  the  king  of  the  Yavanas,  and  beyond  this  same 
Antiochus  four  kings,  Ptolemy,  Antigonus,  Magas,  and  Alex- 
ander ;  in  the  South,  the  Codas,  Paradyas  as  far  as  Ceylon, 
and  so,  too,  the  king  of  the  Huns  [  ?]  Vismavasi  [  ?J.  Among 
the  Yavanas  and  Kambojas,  the  Nabhakas  and  Nabhapamtis, 
the  Bhojas  and  Pentenikas,  the  Andhras  and  Pulindas,  every- 
where the  religious  instructions  of  the  king,  dear  to  the  gods, 
are  observed.  Wherever  the  embassies  of  the  king,  dear  to 
the  gods,  have  been  sent,  there,  too,  the  duties  of  religion 
having  been  made  known  in  the  name  of  the  king,  dear  to 
the  gods,  men  now  give  heed  and  will  give  heed  to  the  relig- 
ious instructions,  to  religion,  this  bulwark  against.  ,  .  .  In  this 

1  "And  the  Greek  King,  besides,  by  whom  the  four  Greelc  Kings, 
Ptolemaios  and  Gongakenos  and  Magas  .  .  .  (have  been  induced  to 
permit  that)  .  .  .  both  here  and  in  foreign  countries  everywhere  (the 
people)  follow  the  doctrine  of  the  religion  of  Devanampiya  whereso- 
ever it  reacheth."  —  Joia-it.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  VII.  p.  224. 

'^  A  measure  of  distance  equal  to  about  five  miles. 


28o  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

manner  has  the  conquest  been  extended  everywhere.  I  have 
found  therein  a  heartfelt  joy.  Such  is  the  satisfaction  that 
comes  of  religious  conquests."  ^ 

The  five  contemporary  kings  mentioned  by  Asoka 
have  been  identified  by  scholars  with  the  following 
names  of  history:  Antiochus  II.,  who  was  ruler 
of  Syria  and  its  vast  dependencies  in  the  years  260- 
247  B.C. ;  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  king  of  Egypt  in  the 
years  285-247  B.C. ;  Antigonus  Gonatus,  who  reigned 
in  Macedonia  from  278-242  B.C. ;  Magas  of  Cyrene,  • 
who  died  in  258  B.C.,  and  Alexander  of  Epirus,  whose 
death  occurred  about  the  same  time.  The  date  of  the 
edict  thus  falls  within  the  short  period  260-258  B.  C. 

Now  on  the  first  reading,  this  edict  conveys  the 
impression  that  Buddhism  had  extended  its  conquests, 
through  the  peaceful  agency  of  Asoka,  over  the 
greater  part  of  the  Greek-speaking  world.  But  there 
are  several  considerations  that  force  upon  the  thought- 
ful mind  a  much  more  restricted  interpretation. 

First  of  all,  there  is  very  solid  ground  for  suspect- 
ing that  Asoka,  in  describing  the  extent  of  his  reli- 
gious conquests,  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  by 
excess  of  enthusiasm  beyond  the  bounds  of  sober 
reality. 

In  the  edict  of  Rupnath-Mysore,  Asoka  makes 
known  that  for  a  year  or  more  he  was  a  Buddhist  lay- 
man without  much  show  of  zeal,  but  that  within  the 
last  year,  since  his  connection  with  the  Sangha,  he  had 

1  Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  I.  pp.  309-310.     Cf.  II.  pp.  24S-249. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      281 

taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  religion  he  had  adopted.^ 
It  is  fair  to  conclude  that  whatever  measures  he  em- 
ployed to  spread  his  religious  conquests  abroad,  were 
not  taken  in  hand  till  after  his  thorough  conversion 
to  Buddhism.  This  happened,  as  we  learn  from  the 
eighth  Girnar  edict,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his 
kingly  consecration.  "  I,  King  Piyadasi,  dear  to  the 
gods,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  my  consecration,  at- 
tained to  true  wisdom  [sambodhi.]"  '  Now  as  Senart 
shows,  it  is  very  likely  that  the  edicts  of  Girnar  were 
eneraved  *to<7ether  at  the  time  indicated  in  the  fifth 
edict,  namely,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  consecra- 
tion.^ And  so  it  follows  that  Asoka  had  little  more 
than  a  year  at  his  disposal,  to  achieve  the  religious 
conquests  on  which  he  prides  himself.  This  practi- 
cally means  that  his  pretensions  in  regard  to  the 
spread  of  Buddhism  in  Egypt,  Syria,  and  the  other 
realms  beyond,  rested  on  a  very  slender  basis  of  fact. 
If  he  sent  Buddhist  missionaries  to  these  distant 
countries, —  and  the  possibility  of  this  cannot  be 
questioned, — he  must  have  been  counting  beforehand 
on  their  success  when  he  framed  the  edict.  It  is 
absolutely  incredible  that  in  so  short  a  time  they 
could  have  made  the  toilsome  journey  to  Egypt,  or 
Syria,  not  to  speak  of  Cyrene,  Macedonia,  and  Epirus, 
won  many  converts  to  their  religion,  and  made  their 
achievements  known  to  him  in  distant  India.     Senart 

'  Senart,  Op.  cit.  II.  p.  196;  Joiirn.  Asiat.,  1892,  pp.  4S1,  487. 
2  Op.  cit.  I.  p.  197.  ^  Op.  cit.  II.  p.  245. 


282  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

thinks  the  only  knowledge  Asoka  had  of  ^Nlagas, 
Antigonus,  and  Alexander,  and,  perhaps,  of  Ptolemy 
as  well,  he  obtained  indirectly  through  his  communi- 
cations with  Antiochus. 

''Although,"  he  writes,  "the  records  of  the  past  have 
made  us  acquainted  with  the  names  of  an  envoy  or,  per- 
haps, explorer,  who  was  sent  to  India  by  the  same  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  to  whom  Piyadasi  refers,  it  is  doubtful  if  this 
reference  of  the  latter  is  based  on  direct  relations..  But  it  is 
very  unlikely  that  direct  relations  existed  between  him  and 
Magas,  or  Antigonus,  or  Alexander.  There  is  reason  to  sus- 
pect that  it  was  through  the  intermediation  of  Antiochus  that 
Piyadasi  got  his  knowledge  of  the  other  kings  whom  he  men- 
tions. If  he  sent  out  special  embassies,  the  time  available 
for  the  voyage  —  about  a  year  and  a  half  —  scarcely  justifies 
the  supposition  that  they  made  their  way  to  so  distant  parts 
of  the  Greek  world.  Moreover,  at  the  very  time  that  the 
edict  was  taking  form,  between  260  and  358  b.  c,  Antiochus 
II.,  through  his  attempts  on  Thrace  and  his  conflicts  in  the 
Mediterranean,  was  brought  into  very  intimate  relations, 
though  not  for  long,  with  the  kings  of  Egypt,  Cyrene,  Mace- 
donia, and  Epirus."  ^ 

Viewed  in  this  light,  the  edict  gives  no  reliable  evi- 
dence of  the  spread  of  Buddhism  westward,  beyond 
the  Greek  or  Yavana  settlements  on  the  border-land 
of  India  and  in  the  extreme  eastern  part  of  the  vast 
empire  of  Antiochus.  For  it  is  plainly  to  these  that 
the  portion  of  the  edict  refers  which  reads:  "Among 
the    Yavanas  and   Kambojas    .    .    .    everywhere    the 

^  Op.  cit.  II.  p.  259. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      283 

religious  instructions  of  the  king,  dear  to  the  gods, 
are  observed." ^ 

There  are  other  considerations  that  add  to  the  Hke- 
lihood  of  this  view.  The  most  important  of  these  is 
the  absolute  ignoring  of  Buddhism  in  the  ancient 
records  of  Greece  and  Egypt.  Had  Asoka's  mission- 
aries been  successful  in  establishing  Buddhism  in  the 
Greek-speaking  world,  so  striking  a  phenomenon 
would  not  have  failed  to  excite  universal  interest. 
Stupas  and  monasteries  would  have  arisen,  and  sacred 
books  would  have  been  translated  into  Greek  to  sat- 
isfy the  piety  of  Greek  converts.  Buddhist  beliefs 
and  practices  would  have  been  a  popular  theme  for 
historical  and  philosophic  writers.  Constant  refer- 
ences to  Buddhism  would  have  found  a  place  in  the 
literary  records.  And  yet  what  do  we  find  ?  Not  a 
single  ruin  of  a  Buddhist  stupa  or  monastery  in  Kgypt 
or  Syria  or  Greece ;  not  a  single  Greek  translation  of 
a  sacred  Buddhist  book;  not  a  single  reference  in  all 
Greek  literature  to  the  existence  of  a  Buddhist  com- 
munity in  the  Greek  world.  Nay,  the  very  name  of 
liuddha  occurs  for  the  first  time  only  in  the  writings 
of  Clement  of  Alexandria. 

Another  important  consideration  inclining  to  the 
same  view,  is  the  silence  of  the  Buddhist  chronicles. 
Had  Asoka  extended  his  religious  conquests  to  Syria, 
Egypt,  and  other  countries  to  the  west,  so  remark- 
able a  triumph  would  not  have  failed  to  be  recorded 

1  Cf.  Senart,  Op.  cit.  II.  pp.  252-254.      Vide  supra,  p.  276. 


284  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

in  Buddhist  annals.  And  yet,  in  the  very  passage  of 
the  Mahavansa}  which  describes  the  propagation  of 
the  Buddhist  faith  under  King  Asoka,  as  well  as  in 
similar  accounts  in  the  Dipavansa'^  and  the  Sutta 
Vibhanga  of  Buddhaghosa,^  not  a  word  is  said  of 
missionary  enterprises  in  Syria  or  Egypt,  not  to  speak 
of  the  more  remote  countries  of  Macedonia,  Epirus, 
and  Cyrene.  The  natural  inference  is  that  Buddhism 
did  not  gain  a  foothold  in  these  countries. 

But,  we  are  told,  Buddhist  annals  afford  positiv^e 
evidence  at  least  that  Buddhism  flourished  in  Egypt 
in  the  second  century  before  Christ.  The  MaJiavansa 
tells  how  Buddhist  monks  came  from  many  distant 
places  to  take  part  in  the  dedication  of  the  great 
stupa  (Mahathupa)  erected  by  the  Ceylonese  king 
Duttha  Gamini  at  Ruanwelli,  They  came  from  Be- 
nares, and  from  Sravasti,  Vaisali,  Kausambi,  Patna, 
Kashmir,  Parthia,  "  and  Maha  Dhammarakkhito, 
thero  of  Yona,  accompanied  by  thirty  thousand  priests 
from  the  vicinity  of  Alasadda,  the  capital  of  the  Yona 
country,  attended."^  As  Alasadda  is  the  Pali  form 
of  Alexandria,  the  inference  is  drawn  by  some  that 
the  city  here  referred  to  is  Alexandria  in  Egypt.  But 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  reference  is  here 
made  to  Alexandria  ad  Caucasinn  in  the  Graeco- 
Bactrian  region.  First  of  all,  a  flourishing  commu- 
nity of  Buddhist  monks  could  not  have  lived  in  the 

1   Vide  supra,  p.  277.  2  ^ jj;  y^  g. 

'  I.  317.  *  G.  Tumour,  Mahawanso,  p.  171. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      285 

vicinity  of  Alexandria  in  Egypt  without  having  left 
behind  them  traces  of  their  existence  in  the  form  of 
ruined  stupas  and  monasteries,  nor  could  they  have 
been  utterly  ignored  in  the  literary  monuments  of  that 
period.  Secondly,  the  Alasadda  in  question  is  des- 
ignated as  the  capital  of  the  Yona  country.  But,  as 
we  have  already  learned  from  our  study  of  another 
passage  from  this  same  chronicle,  by  the  Yona,  or 
Yavana,  country,  is  meant  the  Gra^co-Bactrian  region. 
That  it  has  this  same  meaning  in  the  present  instance, 
is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  is  mentioned  im- 
mediately after  Kashmir  and  Parthia.  Thirdly,  it  is 
an  unquestionable  fact  of  history  that  about  the  cap- 
ital of  this  region,  Alexandria  ad  Caucasiun,  were 
grouped  many  communities  of  Buddhist  monks,  the 
remains  of  whose  monasteries  and  stupas  exist  to-day. 
Lastly,  we  have  in  favor  of  this  view  some  of  the 
most  eminent  scholars  of  Buddhist  archaeology,  as 
James  Prinsep  and  Alexander  Cunningham.^  The 
former,  commenting  on  this  very  passage  from  the 
Mahavansa,  says :  — 

"'The  vicinity  of  Alasadda,  the  capital  of  the  Yona  coun- 
try,' follows  in  the  enumeration  the  mention  of  Kashmir,  while 
it  precedes  the  wilderness  of  Vinjha,  which  is  evidently  Vin- 
dravan,  the  modern  Bindrabund.  In  situation,  then,  as  well 
as  in  date,  I  see  nothing  here  to  oppose  the  understanding  of 
Yona  as  the  Greek  dominion  of  Bactria  and  the  Panjab,  and  I 
dare  even  further  propose  that  the  name  of  the  capital  near 

1  Bhilsa  Topes,  Y>.  ii8.    Cf.  also  E.  Hardy,  Der  Buddhismus,  p.  ii2. 


286  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

which  the  Buddhist  monastery  was  situated,  and  which  Mr, 
Tumour  states  in  his  glossary  to  be  unidentified,  is  merely  a 
corruption  of  Alexandria.  .  .  .  The  particular  Alexandria 
alluded  to  may  probably  be  that  ad  calceni  Caucasi,  which  is 
placed  at  -Beghram  by  Mr,  Masson  in  the  fifth  volume  of  my 
journal,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  so  many  stupen- 
dous stupas  have  been  brought  to  light  through  his  able 
investigations."  ^ 

Evidence  for  the  presence  of  Buddhism  in  the  West 
is  also  sought  in  the  story  of  Zarmanochegas,  told  by 
Strabo."  A  native  of  India,  he  came  on  an  embassy 
to  Rome  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  in  the  name  of  a 
certain  King  Porus.  Having  accomplished  his  mis- 
sion, he  went  to  Athens,  where  he  had  a  pyre  erected, 
and  having  anointed  his  body  with  precious  unguents, 
as  if  for  a  feast,  burnt  himself  alive.  His  ashes  were 
placed  in  a  tomb  which  bore  the  inscription,  "  Here 
lies  Zarmanochegas,  an  Indian  of  Bargosa,  who  put 
an  end  to  his  life  after  the  fashion  of  his  country." 

By  a  very  dubious  derivation  of  the  name  from 
Sramana-Sakya,  i.  c,  the  Sakya  ascetic,  a  few  have 
tried  to  make  this  person  out  to  have  been  a  Buddhist 

1  Journ.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,N\\.  pp.  165-166.  Mr.  Lillie  alleges  as  a 
reason  for  taking  Alasadda  to  be  Alexandria  in  Egypt,  that  it  was 
much  more  feasible  for  thirty  thousand  monks  to  make  the  journey 
by  sea  from  Egypt  to  Ceylon,  than  to  come  overland  from  distant 
Bactria.  There  is  every  reason  to  suspect  that  the  number  of  monks 
was  grossly  exaggerated.  But  whatever  their  number,  it  is  plain  that 
the  journey  from  Bactria  was  no  more  difficult  than  that  from  Par- 
thia,  Kashmir,  and  other  places  mentioned. 

2  Strabo,  XV.  i.  719. 


Gospels  not  of  Buddhist  Origin      287 

monk ;  ^  but  this  derivation  is  not  accepted  by  many 
scholars.-  Moreover,  as  Buddhists  were  accustomed 
neither  to  use  ointments  for  the  body,  nor  to  burn 
themselves  alive,  there  is  every  reason  for  excluding 
Zarmanochegas  from  the  number  of  Buddha's  fol- 
lowers. 

Such  is  the  evidence  brought  forward  to  show  the 
presence  of  Buddhist  ideas  and  Buddhist  institutions 
in  the  Greek  world  at  the  time  that  Christ  was  born. 
Its  utter  inadequacy  to  the  desired  end  has  been  suf- 
ficiently set  forth.  The  utmost  that  can  be  made  out 
for  Buddhism  is  that  it  found  a  firm  footing  in  the 
Greek  settlements  of  Bactria  and  Parthia,  in  the  re- 
mote east.  If  Asoka  sent  missionaries  to  plant  the 
religion  of  Buddha  in  the  realms  of  Antiochus  and 
Ptolemy,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  their 
efforts  came  to  naught.  We  look  in  vain  for  a  single 
trace  of  the  presence  of  Buddhism  in  Egypt,  Greece, 
or  Palestine. 

1  Levi,  Le  Boiiddhisnie  et  les  Grccs  —  Rev.  Hist.  Rel.  XXIII.  p.  47. 

2  Cf.  Lassen,  Ind.  Alt.  III.  p.  60.     E.  Hardy,  Buddhismiis,  p.  113. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE   POSSIBLE    INFLUENCE   OF   CHRISTIANITY 
ON   BUDDHISM 

Parthian  Jews  converted  by  Peter  —  Reliability  of  the  tradition  that 
the  apostle  Thomas  preached  to  the  people  of  Parthia,  Bactria, 
and  Northwest  India — Gondophares  —  The  early  mission  of 
Pantaenus  in  India  —  The  testimony  of  Cosmas  —  The  ancient 
episcopal  sees  of  Merv,  Herat,  and  Sistan — Christian  influence 
in  Panjab  in  the  fifth  century  shown  by  the  Jamalgiri  sculptures  — 
The  spread  of  Nestorianism  over  the  East  in  the  fifth  and  follow- 
ing centuries —  The  Nestorian  monument  of  Si-ngan-fu  —  Likeli- 
hood that  some  of  the  incidents  related  of  Christ  have  been 
incorporated  into  the  Buddha-legend  —  Is  the  Asita-story  one 
of  these  ? 

THERE  is  a  further  consideration  that  adds 
no  Httle  strength  to  the  evidence  already 
accumulated  in  favor  of  the  independent  origin  of  the 
Gospels.  This  is  the  possibility  that  Buddhism  itself 
has  drawn  some  of  its  striking  resemblances  from 
Christian  sources. 

It  is  rather  strange  that  those  who  are  so  zealous 
in  trying  to  show  the  presence  of  Buddhism  in  Pales- 
tine and  Egypt  at  the  time  of  Christ,  should  ignore 
the  much  stronger  evidence  that  Christian  influences 
were  at  work  in  centres   of  Buddhist  activity  soon 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        289 

after  the  death  of  Christ,  and  that  they  flourished 
with  increasing  vigor  during  the  first  centuries  of  the 
Christian  era.  That  Northern  Buddhism  profited  to 
some  extent  by  this  contact  with  Christianity,  is 
thus  by  no  means  unHkely. 

In  the  second  chapter  of  the  Ac^s  of  the  Apostles, 
we  read  that  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  about  three 
thousand  Jews  were  converted  and  baptized  through 
the  preaching  of  Peter.  His  hearers  consisted  largely 
of  devout  Jews  from  distant  parts  of  the  known  world, 
who  had  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  to  take 
part  in  the  sacred  feasts  of  the  Pasch  and  of  Pente- 
cost. There  were  present  not  only  Arabians  and 
Medes  and  Elamites,  but  also  Parthians.  Now  the 
Parthian  kingdom,  which  was  at  this  time  being 
brought  under  the  subjection  of  the  Indo-Scythian 
monarchs,  was  included  in  the  so-called  Yavana 
country,  where  Buddhism  had  taken  firm  root.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  among  the  monks  who  went 
to  Ceylon  to  the  dedication  of  the  Mahathupa,  the 
Parthians  are  mentioned.  It  is  thus  natural  to  con- 
clude that  as  early  as  35-40  A.  D.  Jewish  converts  to 
Christianity  were  already  in  contact  with  Parthian 
and  Bactrian  Buddhists.  Between  these  and  the 
Buddhists  of  Northern  India  there  existed  the  closest 
relations. 

But  the  development  of  Christianity  in  the  remote 
east  was  not  left  to  the  weak  efforts  of  these  neo- 
phytes.    According   to    an   ancient  tradrtion   in  the 

19 


290  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Christian  Church,  St.  Thomas  was  sent  to  Parthia 
and  Bactria,  and  after  preaching  the  Gospel  there, 
proceeded  to  India,  where  he  died  a  martyr's  death. 

This  tradition  has  much  to  commend  it,  particu- 
larly as  regards  the  preaching  of  St.  Thomas  in 
Parthia.  It  is  found  in  the  Roman  Martyrology.  It 
is  alluded  to  by  many  fathers  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
Church.  So  careful  a  writer  as  Eusebius,  referring 
to  Origen,  tells  us  that  Parthia  was  assigned  to  the 
apostle  Thomas  for  evangelization.  The  ancient 
Syrian  Church,  too,  bears  witness  to  the  apostolate 
of  St.  Thomas  in  the  Orient.  St.  Ephrem,  the  Syrian, 
whose  period  of  activity  falls  within  the  third  quarter 
of  the  fourth  century,  and  who  lived  seven  or  eight 
years  in  Edessa,  wrote  a  poem  referring  to  the  pos- 
session by  the  Church  of  Edessa  of  the  bones  of  St. 
Thomas,  which  had  been  brought  there  from  India. 
Similar  testimony  to  the  presence  of  the  apostle's 
relics  in  the  Church  of  Edessa,  is  afforded  by  the 
Chronicle  of  Edessa,  as  well  as  by  the  early  church 
historians,  Rufinus,  Socrates,  and  Sozomen.^ 


1  Ambrose,  in  Psalm,  xlv. ;  Jerome,  Ep.  59  ad  Marcellam  (Migne) ; 
Gregory  Naz.,  Oratio,  33 ;  Paulinus  Nolanus,  Poem.  19  and  30 ; 
Gregory  the  Great,  ///  Evang.  horn.  17;  Eusebius,  Ch.  Hist.  III.  i; 
Bickell,  S.  Ephrczmi  Syri  Carmiua  Nisibena.  Lipsiae,  1S66.  Carm. 
42 ;  Assemani,  Bib.  Orient.  I.  pp.  399,  403  ;  Rufinus,  Ch.  Hist.  II. 
5;  Socrates,  Ch.  Hist.  IV.  18;  Sozomen,  Ch.  Hist.  VI.  18;  cf. 
R.  A.  Lipsius,  Die  apokrypheii  Apostelgeschichten  wid  Apostellcgenden. 
Braunschweig,  1883.  I.  pp.  225  ff.  According  to  the  Abgar-legend, 
St.  Thomas  was  intimately  connected  with  the  Church  of  Edessa. 
Cf.  Eusebius,  Ch.  Hist.  I.   13;  II.  i. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        291 

The  Acts  of  Thomas^  a  Gnostic  work  already- 
ancient  in  the  time  of  St.  Ephrem,  tells  how  the 
apostle,  disguised  as  an  architect,  went  to  India,, 
where  he  converted  King  Gondophoros,  together 
with  many  of  his  subjects.^  The  story  is  embel- 
lished with  episodes  too  extravagant  to  be  mistaken 
for  history,  but  the  underlying  tradition  that  St. 
Thomas  preached  in  the  kingdom  of  Gondophares 
is  not  lightly  to  be  set  aside.  The  existence  of  a 
Parthian  king  of  this  name  in  the  time  of  the  apostle 
has  been  strangely  brought  to  light  in  the  present 
century.  Numerous  coins  bearing  his  name  and  the 
names  of  near  relatives  have  been  found  in  the  Pan- 
jab,  Kabul  valley,  and  neighboring  districts,  showing 
him  to  have  been  the  head  of  an  important  Parthian 
dynasty  about  the  middle  of  the  first  century.  The 
great  archaeologist,  General  A.  Cunningham,  to  whose 
careful  researches  our  knowledge  of  these  coins  is 
largely  due,  says  of  them  :  — 

"  The  coins  of  Gondophares  are  common  in  Kabul  and 
Kandahar  and  Sistan,  and  in  the  Western  and  Southern 
Panjab.  All  these  countries,  therefore,  must  have  owned 
his  sway.  He  was,  besides,  the  head  and  founder  of  his 
family,  as  no  less  than  three  members  of  it  claim  relationship 

1  Cf.  \V.  Wright,  The  Apochryphal  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  2  vol. 
London,  1871.  II.  pp.  146  ff . ;  Lipsius,  Op.  cit.  pp.  225  ff. ;  Aitte- 
A'uene  Fathers,  li.Y.  1S95.  VIII.  535.  These  ^c/j  are  at  least  as 
old  as  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  and  possibly  go  back  to  about 
200  A.  D.  Cf.  Lipsius,  Op.  cit.  p.  346;  Holtzmann,  Einleitiing  in  das 
Neue  Testament,  Freiburg,  1892.   p.  496. 


292  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

with  him  on  their  coins  —  viz.  Orthagnes,  his  full  brother, 
Abdagases,  his  nephew,  and  Sasa  [or  Sasan],  a  more  dis- 
tant relation.  The  coins  of  Orthagnes  are  found  in  Sistan 
and  Kandahar,  those  of  Abdagases  and  Sasan  in  the  Western 
Panjab.  I  presume,  therefore,  that  they  were  the  viceroys 
of  those  provinces  on  the  part  of  the  great  King  Gondo- 
phares,  who  himself  resided  at  Kabul.  All  the  names  are 
those  of  Parthians,  but  the  language  of  the  coins  is  Indian 
Pali.  Abdagases  is  the  name  of  the  Parthian  chief  who 
headed  the  successful  revolt  against  Artabanus  in  a.  d.  44. 
The  great  power  of  Gondophares,  and  the  discovery  of  a 
coin  of  Artabanus  countermarked  with  the  peculiar  mono- 
gram of  all  the  Gondopharian  dynasty,  make  it  highly  prob- 
able that  the  Indo-Parthian  Abdagases  was  the  same  as  the 
Parthian  chief  whose  revolt  is  recorded  by  Tacitus  (Annal. 
XV,  2)  and  Josephus  (Antiq.  xx,  iii,  2).  This  surmise  is  very 
much  strengthened  by  the  date  of  the  revolt  [a.  d.  44], 
which  would  make  Gondophares  a  contemporary  of  St. 
Thomas."^ 

Similar  testimony  is  afiforded  by  the  stone  found 
in  1873  at  Shahbazgarhi  (Taht-i-Bahi)  in  the  Panjab, 
bearing  in  Ariano-Pali  characters  an  inscription  which 
records  the  erection  by  a  pious  Buddhist  of  a  reli- 
gious structure  "  in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of  the  great 
King  Guduphara,   in  the   Samvat  year  103."     Such 

1  Coins  of  Indian  Buddhist  Satraps  7vith  Greek'  Inscriptions.  — Journ. 
As.  Soc.,  Bengal,  XXIII.  pp.  711-712.  Cf.  also  Archceological  SiD-vey 
of  India.,  II.  pp.  59-60;  XIV.  pp.48  and  116;  Reinaud,  Mhnoires  his- 
toriqties  et  g'eographiques  stir  Plnde,  an  interesting  article  to  be  found 
in  Vol.  XVIII.  pp.  94-96,  of  Memoires  de  PAcademie  des  Inscriptions  : 
Percy  Gardner,  Coins  of  the  Greek  and  Scythic  kings  of  Bactria  and 
India,  pp.  xliv,  103-106. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        293 

at  least  is  the  reading  made  out  by  General  Cunning- 
ham and  other  eminent  scholars,^  though  the  stone 
is  so  badly  defaced  as  to  leave  doubt  in  the  minds 
of  some  whether  the  name  of  the  king  has  been 
correctly  deciphered.  As  the  first  year  of  the 
Samvat  era  is  56  B.  C,  the  date  of  the  inscription 
is  in  perfect  agreement  with  the  results  obtained 
independently  from  the  study  of  the  coins  above 
mentioned.  There  is  thus  good  ground  for  assert- 
ing that  Gondophares  was  a  contemporary  of  St. 
Thomas,  having  dominion  over  the  Kabul  valley, 
Kandahar,  and  the  Panjab,  /.  ^.,  the  very  countries 
(Parthia  and  India)  to  which  the  apostle  is  said  to 
have  carried  the  Gospel ;  and  hence  it  is  but  reason- 
able to  accept  the  conclusion  of  eminent  scholars 
such  as  General  Cunningham,^  Reinaud,  and  others 
that  the  tradition  concerning  St.  Thomas'  missionary 
labors  in  the  kingdom  of  Parthia  stands  for  a  fact  of 
history.  To  reject  this  tradition,  against  which  no 
argument  of  improbability  can  fairly  be  urged,  and 
which  is  supported  by  so  many  ancient  and  inde- 
pendent testimonies,  is  to  exercise  a  scepticism 
which,  if  consistently  applied  to  other  records  of  the 
past,  would  lead  to  the  discrediting  of  many  accepted 
truths  of  history.  We  need  have  no  hesitation,  then, 
in  taking  it  as   reliable  evidence  of  the  presence  of 

1  ArchcEological  Survey  of  India,  V.  pp.  59-60.  Professor  Dowson, 
in  Journ.  Roy.  As.  Soc.  (New  Series),  VII.  pp.  376  ff.  Percy  Gardner, 
Op.  cit.  p.  xliv. 

2  Archccol.  Survey,  II.  pp.  59-60.      Vide  supra,  p.  1S7. 


294  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Christianity  in  the  very  heart  of  Northern  Buddhism 
as  early  as  50  A.  D.^ 

But  the  evidence  of  early  Christian  activity  in 
Buddhist  lands  does  not  end  here.  Bardesanes  of 
Edessa,  a  contemporary  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  men- 
tions the  spread  of  Christianity  in  Parthia,  Media, 
Persia,  and  Bactria.^ 

Moreover,  Eusebius  relates  in  his  CJiurcJi  History^ 
that  Pantaenus,  previous  to  founding  his  Christian 
school  of  philosophy  at  Alexandria  towards  the  close 
of  the  second  century,  was  moved  by  apostolic  zeal  to 
preach  the  Gospel  in  the  far  East.  He  went  to  India, 
and  there  found  Christians  who  had  been  evangel- 
ized by  St.  Bartholomew,  and  who  still  preserved 
the  Gospel  of  Matthew  written  in  Hebfew. 

^  The  attempt  of  Gutschmid  {Die  Kmigsnamen  in  den  apokryphen 
Apostelgeschichten,  an  article  published  in  the  Kheinisches  Museum 
filr  Philologie,  N.  F.  XIX.  pp.  i6i  ff.)  to  make  out  that  the  Acts  of 
Thomas  are  an  adaptation  of  a  Buddhist  sutra  is  far  from  convincing. 
No  Buddhist  sutra  corresponding  even  remotely  to  the  Acts  has  ever 
been  discovered.  The  features  of  alleged  Buddhist  origin,  such  as 
the  severe  asceticism,  especially  in  regard  to  marriage,  the  miracles, 
the  exorcism  of  demons,  the  Christophanies,  are  to  be  found  as  well 
in  other  apocryphal  writings,  where  Buddhist  influence  is  out  of  the 
question.  Moreover,  some  features  of  the  Acts  have  no  parallel  in 
Buddhist  literature.  The  statement  in  the  Acts  that  St.  Thomas 
journeyed  by  sea  from  Jerusalem  to  the  country  of  Gondophares  is 
easily  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  work  was  written  in  some 
Gnostic  centre  in  Persia  by  one  ignorant  of  the  geography  of  Pales- 
tine. The  only  other  reason  given  by  Gutschmid  for  ascribing  a 
Buddhist  origin  to  the  work  in  question  is  the  fact  that,  in  the  time  of 
Christ,  Buddhism  was  already  established  in  the  kingdom  of  Gon- 
dophares.    The  insutificiency  of  this  reason  is  manifest. 

2  Eusebius,  Prcsp.  Evaug.  VI.  lo.  ^  y.  10. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        295 

Owing  to  a  lack  of  sufficient  data,  the  precise  loca- 
tion of  these  Jewish  Christians  of  India  cannot  be 
made  out  with  certainty,  but  it  is  enough  for  our  pur- 
pose to  note  that  they  were  established  on  Buddhist 
soil.  It  is  true,  a  few  are  inclined  with  Mosheim -^  to 
hold  that  they  did  not  belong  to  India  proper,  but  to 
Yemen  (Arabia  Felix),  which  was  the  seat  of  a 
thriving  Jewish  community  and  which  was  sometimes 
loosely  designated  as  India.  But  in  Alexandria, 
where  Eusebius  must  have  got  his  information,  the 
term  India  could  hardly  have  been  employed  in  any 
but  the  strict  sense,  owing  to  the  close  commercial 
relations  existing  between  India  and  this  great  cos- 
mopolitan centre.  It  was  in  India  proper  that  Jerome 
placed  the  scene  of  Pantasnus'  labors,  for  he  says  he 
was  sent  to  India  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  Brah- 
mans  and  philosophers.^  It  is  thus  very  likely  that 
reference  is  made  to  some  colony  of  Jews,  in  part  at 
least  Christian,  established  for  purposes  of  trade  at 
one  of  the  great  marts  of  Western  India,  perhaps, 
Sinde.  According  to  ancient  tradition,  India  Citerior 
was  the  scene  of  Bartholomew's  earlier  labors.  We 
know  from  the  author  of  the  Pcriphis  ^  and  from 
Cosmas  Indicopleustes    that    the    marts    of  Western 

1  Ecclesiastical  History.     N.  Y.  1844,  Vol.  I.  p.  98. 

~  "  Pantaenus,  Stoicae  sectae  philosophus,  ob  praecipuae  eruditionis 
gloriam,  a  Demetrio  Alexandrias  episcopo  missus  est  in  Indiam  ut 
Christum  apud  Brachmanas  et  illius  gentis  philosophos  praedicaret." 
Ep.  Ixx  ad  Magnum  (Migne). 

*  Cf.  J.  W.  McCrindle,  The  Commerce  and  Navigatio/t  of  the  Ery- 
thrcean  Sea.     London,  1S79,  pp.  'O?  ^- 


296  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

India  were  regularly  visited  by  merchant  ships  from 
Alexandria.  The  journey  of  Panta^nus  is  thus  easily 
explained.  Like  other  early  churches  composed  of 
Jewish  converts,  this  Christian  community  did  not 
succeed  in  transmitting  the  faith  through  many  gen- 
erations. In  the  time  of  Cosmas  it  seems  to  have 
been  no  longer  in  possession  of  its  apostolic  tradi- 
tions, else  it  would  in  all  probability  have  been 
mentioned  by  him.^ 

These  converts  of  St.  Bartholomew  were  not  the 
only  Christians  settled  on  the  coast  of  Western  In- 
dia. The  Egyptian  monk,  Cosmas  Indicopleustes,^ 
who,  as  a  merchant,  travelled  by  sea  from  Alexandria 
to  Ceylon  in  the  year  522,  testifies  to  the  presence  in 
his  day  of  Christian  churches  in  Ceylon,  Malabar, 
and  Calliana.  They  were  composed  of  Syrian-speak- 
ing families,  the  descendants,  apparently,  of  settlers 
attracted  at  some  remote  period  from  their  native 
land  to  these  great  marts  of  India.  Those  who  ad- 
ministered to  their  spiritual  wants  were  educated  and 
ordained  in  Persia,  speaking  of  course  the  Syrian 
tongue,  and  being  at  that  time  Nestorians.     If  we  may 

1  G.  M.  Rae  {The  Syrian  Church  in  India,  Edinburgh,  1892,  pp. 
70  ff.)  is  of  the  opinion  that  this  Christian  community  discovered  by 
Pantaenus  was  composed,  not  of  Jews,  but  of  Parthians  situated  in 
the  Indus  valley.  The  Gospel  in  question  he  takes  to  have  been 
written  in  Aramaic,  the  knowledge  of  which  was  widely  spread  in 
Parthia.     Josephus  tells  his  readers  that  he  wrote  his   Wars  of  the 

Jews  in  Aramaic,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Babylonians  and  Parthians. 

2  Topographia  Christiana,  III.  Pat.  Gr.  Migne.  Vol.  88,  col.  169; 
also  col.  445-448. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        297 

trust  the  tradition  of  their  modern  representatives, 
the  Syrian  Christians  of  Malabar,^  it  was  St.  Thomas 
himself  who  brought  to  their  ancestors,  already  set- 
tled on  the  coast  of  India,  the  knowlege  of  the  Gos- 
pel. These  churches  gave  evidence  in  Cosmas'  day 
of  having  been  long  established ;  for  they  were 
thoroughly  organized,  being  governed  by  a  bishop, 
who  had  his  see  at  Calliana. 

Thus  in  the  first  and  second  centuries,  we  find 
Christianity  established  in  Parthia,  Bactria,  North- 
western India,  and  probably  along  its  Western  coast 
from  the  Gujerat  peninsula  to  Ceylon. 

But  it  was  especially  in  the  next  two  centuries  that 
the  new  religion  advanced  with  rapid  strides.'"^  Its 
growth  was  hastened  in  the  fourth  century  by  the 
persecutions  of  King  Sapor  II.,  which  drove  many 
Christians  to  Chorassan,  Sistan,  and  neighboring 
places.  Among  them  was  Barsabbas,  who  came  to 
Merv  in  the  year  334,  and  was  soon  after  made  bishop 
over  the  numerous  communities  that  grew  apace  in 
the  city  and  neighboring  villages.  By  the  end  of 
the  century,  Merv  was  a  see  of  importance.  In 
like  manner,  the  episcopal  see  of  Herat  rose  out 
of  the  multiplying  parishes  in  Southern  Chorassan. 
Both   these    sees,    as   well    as    that   of    Sistan,    were 

1  This  tradition  is  called  in  question  by  some  scholars.  Cf.  Ger- 
mann,  Die  Kirche  der  Thomaschristen.  Giitersloh,  1S77.  G.  M.  Rae, 
Op.  cit.  ch.  ix. 

^  One  of  the  bishops  who  sat  in  the  Council  of  Nice  was  John 
Bishop  of  Persia  and  Great  India. 


298  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

represented  in  the  synod  of  Dad-Jesus  held  in  the 
year  430.^ 

Of  the  condition  of  Christianity  in  Panjab,  Chris- 
tian records  have  nothing  to  say.  We  have  indeed 
the  testimony  of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  who,  in  his 
second    homily   on    the    Gospel    of  St.  John,    says : 

"  The  Syrians  and  the  Egyptians,  the  Indians  and  the  Per- 
sians, the  Ethiopians  and  innumerable  other  peoples  have 
translated  into  their  own  tongue  the  teachings  received  from 
Christ,  and  have  thus  learned  true  philosophy,  barbarians 
though  they  be." 

But  where  Christian  documents  are  silent,  the  very 
Buddhist  monuments  give  testimony.  The  Buddhist 
sculptures  on  the  walls  of  the  ruined  monasteries  at 
Jamalgiri,  near  Peshawar,  in  Northern  Panjab,  tell 
better  than  words  how  Christianity  was  making  itself 
felt  in  the  very  centre  of  Northern  Buddhism.  For 
the  astonishing  spectacle  is  here  revealed  of  scenes 
from  the  life  of  Christ  carved  in  stone  on  Buddhist 
walls  that  are  thought  to  be  as  early  as  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, thus  going  back  to  the  time  when  Merv,  Herat, 
and  Sistan  were  important  episcopal  sees.  These 
sculptures,  which  are  reproduced  by  Fergusson  and 
Burgess  in  their  interesting  work  The  Cave  Temples 
of  India}  are  thus  described  :  — 

"  One  of  the  most  interesting  peculiarities  of  the  Pesha- 
war, or  rather  Gandhara  sculptures,  is  that  it  would  not  be 

1  T.  J.  Lamy  et  A.  Gueluy,  Le  monument  chritien  de  Si-ngan-fou. 
Bruxelles,  1898.     pp.  loi,  105. 

2  pp.  138-139. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        299 

difficult  to  select  from  among  them  several  that  would  form 
admirable  illustrations  for  a  pictorial  bible  at  the  present  day. 
One,  for  instance,  is  certainly  intended  to  represent  the 
nativity.  The  principal  figure,  a  woman,  is  laying  her  child 
in  a  manger,  and  that  it  is  intended  to  be  such  is  proved  by 
a  mare  with  its  foal,  attended  by  a  man,  feeding  out  of  a  sim- 
ilar vessel.  Above  are  represented  two  horses'  heads  m  the 
position  that  the  ox  and  the  ass  are  represented  in  mediaeval 
paintings. 

"  A  second  represents  the  boy  Christ  disputing  with  the 
doctors  in  the  temple.  A  third,  Christ  healing  the  man 
with  the  withered  limb,  either  of  which,  if  exhibited  in  the 
Lateran,  and  relabeled,  might  pass  unchallenged  as  sculptures 
of  the  fourth  or  fifth  centuries." 

Another  sculpture  is  also  reproduced  which,  in  all 
probability,  depicts  the  woman  accused  before  our 
Lord  of  adultery. 

For  the  first  four  centuries,  the  Christians  in  the 
Buddhist  lands  of  Eastern  Persia  and  Northwestern 
India  were  orthodox.  But  soon  after  the  council  of 
Ephesus,  in  431,  the  majority  of  these  Christians  went 
over  to  Nestorianism.  The  Nestorian  Catholicos  or 
Patriarch  established  his  see  at  Selucia-Ctesiphon. 
The  next  few  centuries  witnessed  a  remarkable  growth 
and  spread  of  Nestorianism.  It  absorbed  the  Christian 
churches  already  established  in  India  and  on  the  con- 
fines to  the  Northwest.  It  took  firm  root  in  Turkes- 
tan, whence  it  made  its  way  to  China  itself  The 
Nestorian  monument  of  Si-ngan-fu  offers  incontesta- 
ble evidence  that  as  early  as  635  zealous  Nestorian 


300  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

missionaries  had  reached  the  western  capital  of 
China. ^  So  rapid  was  the  growth  of  Nestorianism 
that  before  this  century  was  over,  the  patriarch  of 
Ctesiphon  had  under  him  two  hundred  bishops,  of 
whom  twenty  were  metropohtans.  Under  the  patri- 
arch SaHba  Zacha,  who  presided  over  the  Nestorian 
sect  from  714  to  728,  Herat,  Sarmakand,  and  China 
were  erected  into  metropohtan  sees.  They  maintained 
their  existence  till  the  fourteenth  century.^ 

It  is  easy  to  see  how  Tibetan  Buddhism,  which 
took  its  rise  in  the  seventh  century,  and  which  d'd 
not  receive  its  full  development  till  the  thirteenth, 
may  have  drawn  largely  from  Nestorian  sources  for 
those  striking  features  which  distinguish  it  from 
India  Buddhism,  and  at  the  same  time  offer  analogies 
with  certain  points  of  Catholic  ritual  and  discipline. 
But  can  we  say  that  the  Buddhism  of  Northern  India 
owes  anything  to  Christian  influence? 

Weber  ^  maintains  that  "  The  supposition  that 
Christian  influences  may  have  affected  the  growth 
of  Buddhist  ritual  and  worship,  as  they  did  that  of 
the  Buddha  legends,  is  by  no  means  to  be  dismissed 
out  of  hand." 

1  Lamy  et  Gueluy,  Monument  chretien  de  Si-ngan-fou ;  also  J. 
Legge,  Christianity  in  China  in  the  "jth  and  Sth  Centuries,  London, 
18S8.  It  was  just  ten  years  later  that  Hiouen  Thsang  returned  to 
Si-ngan-£u  from  his  long  pilgrimage  to  India,  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  Nestorian  Olopen  met  him  at  the  court  of  the  emperor  Ta'e 
Tsung. 

2  Monnment  chretien  de  Si-ngan-fou,  pp.  43  and  105. 

3  Hist,  of  Ind.  Lit.  p.  307  n. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        301 

Professor  Beal,^  Goblet  d'Alviella,^  E.  Hardy /"^  and 
other  scholars  of  recognized  ability  hold  similar  views. 
The  well  known  tendency  of  Buddhism  to  assimilate 
elements  in  other  religious  systems  with  which  it 
came  in  contact,  creates  the  presumption  that  so  posi- 
tive and  self-asserting  a  religion  as  the  Christian  did 
not  exist  for  several  centuries  by  the  side  of  Bud- 
dhism without  exercising  some  influence  upon  it. 
The  presence  of  New  Testament  illustrations  among 
the  sculptures  at  Jamalgiri  gives  additional  force  to 
this  presumption.'^ 

Nevertheless,  when  one  tries  to  estimate  the  extent 
of  that  influence,  one  finds  the  problem  by  no  means 
easy.  The  greatest  caution  is  necessary.  To  con- 
clude that  every  Buddhist  legend  or  thought  or  rite, 
not  plainly  prechristian,  and  offering  some  incom- 
plete analogy  with  Christian  doctrine  or  ritual,  must 
have  been  derived  from  Christian  sources,  would  be 
to  repeat  the  blunders  which  vitiate  the  works  of 
Seydel,  Bunsen,  and  Lillie.  But  the  possibility  of 
such  borrowing  cannot  be  denied,  and  hence  resem- 
blances of  this  character  cannot  be  made  to  tell 
against  the  independent  origin  of  the  Gospels. 

1  Abstract  of  Four  Lectures  oji  Buddhist  Literature  inC/tiua,  p.  xiv. 

^  Bull,  de  rAcadeinie  Roy  ale  des  Sciences  des  Lettres  et  des  Beaux- 
Arts  de  Belgique,  1897,  pp.  723  ff. 

•*  Der  Buddkistnus,  p.  iii.      Vide  supra,  p.  187. 

•*  The  Krishna  cult,  which  received  its  present  form,  according  to 
the  best  authorities,  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  century  a.  d.,  was  strongly 
influenced  by  Christian  traditions.  Cf.  Weber,  Lndische  Studien,  II. 
PP'  399-490- 


30  2  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

These  remarks  apply  with  especial  aptness  to  the 
use  that  is  made  of  the  Asita  legend  to  prejudice  the 
Gospel  story  of  Simeon.  We  have  seen  that  the  two 
stories,  though  presenting  striking  resemblances,  are 
also  marked  by  very  important  divergencies.  The 
possibility  of  their  independent  origin  cannot  thus 
be  denied.  But  those  who  think  the  resemblances 
are  such  as  to  create  the  strong  presumption  of 
relationship,  are  too  hasty  when  they  infer  that  the 
writer  of  the  third  Gospel  must  have  been  the  bor- 
rower. The  possibility  is  at  least  as  great  that  the 
story  of  Asita  is  based  on  the  story  of  Simeon. 

The    earliest    monument    of  the  existence    of    the 

Asita  legend   is  the  Buddha    Charita,   which,   as   we 

have  seen,  is  not  earlier  than  70  a.  d.,  and  may  be  as 

late    as    100  A.  D.     In    the  cave  numbered  XVI    of 

Ajanta,  there  is  a  pictorial  representation    of  Asita 

with  the  infant  Buddha  in  his  arms ;   but  this  picture 

is  of  an  age  not  greater  than  the  fifth  century  of  the 

Christian  era.^     The  contact  of  Christians  with   the 

Buddhists  of  Bactria  and  Northwestern  India  as  early 

as  40-50  A.  D.,  thus  gives  rise  to  the  possibility,  if  not 

the  presumption,  that  this  Buddhist  parallel,  which  is 

commonly  set  up  as  one  of  the  strongest  witnesses 

against  the  originality  of  the  Gospels,  is  of  Christian 

origin. 

^  Cf.  Fergusson  and  Burgess,  Cave  Temples  of  India,  p.  30S  ;  also 
J.  Burgess,  Notes  on  ike  Baiiddha  Rock-tefnples  of  AJanfa,  pp.  3  and  60. 
S.  H.  Kellogg,  in  his  Light  of  Asia  and  the  Light  of  the  World,  p.  15S, 
erroneously  assigns  this  representation  to  a  tope  dating  from  about 
300  B.  c. 


Christianity  on  Buddhist  Soil        303 

To  sum  up  :  neither  in  the  reUgious  system  of  the 
Essenes,  nor  in  the  inscriptions  of  Asoka,  nor  in  the 
Buddhist  chronicles,  nor  in  the  architectural  or 
literary  monuments  of  the  ancient  Greek  world,  is 
there  a  particle  of  solid  evidence  that  the  knowledge 
of  Buddhism  in  the  time  of  Christ  had  extended  west- 
ward beyond  the  Grseco-Bactrian  district,  on  the 
confines  of  India.  The  absence  alone  of  such  evi- 
dence is  fatal  to  the  theory  that  Buddhism  has  con- 
tributed largely  to  the  formation  of  the  Gospels. 
Taken  in  connection  with  the  apostolic  origin  of  the 
Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  and  with  the  fewness 
of  the  Buddhist-Christian  resemblances  that  do  not 
admit  of  easy  explanation,  it  offers  all  but  irresistible 
proof  of  the  independent  origin  of  the  Gospels. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

BUDDHISM  VIEWED  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  CHRISTIANITY 

The  miracles  of  Christ  above  comparison  with  those  ascribed  to 
Buddlia:  the  latter  unvouched  by  contemporary  witnesses  and 
tainted  by  absurdities  —  Examples  —  Buddhism  a  religion  not  of 
enlightenment,  but  of  superstition  and  error — Karma  and  its 
implied  transmigration  a  false  assumption  —  The  failure  of  Bud- 
dhism to  recognize  man's  dependence  on  the  supreme  God  — 
Buddhism  lacking  in  the  powerful  Christian  motives  to  right 
conduct  —  Buddhist  morality  utilitarian  —  Nirvana  not  an  appeal 
to  unselfishness  —  Buddhist  pessimism  a  crime  against  nature  — 
Its  injustice  to  the  individual,  to  the  family,  to  society  —  Bud- 
dhist propagandism  far  inferior  to  the  Christian  —  Alliance  of 
Buddhism  with  local  superstitions  —  Buddhist  benevolence  greatly 
surpassed  by  Christian  works  of  charity  —  The  impotence  of  Bud- 
dhism to  elevate  the  people  of  Asia — Sad  state  of  morals  in 
Buddhist  lands  —  Slavery  and  polygamy  untouched  by  Buddhism 
—  The  degenerate  condition  of  the  Buddhist  order  —  The  tran- 
scendent excellence  of  Christianity. 

THERE  has  been  a  tendency  on  the  part  of 
some  to  extol  the  religion  of  Buddha  as  the 
equal,  if  not  the  superior,  of  the  revelation  of  Christ. 
What  is  best  in  the  teaching  of  the  Gospels  is  claimed 
to  be  in  like  manner  the  possession  of  Buddhism. 
The  transcendent  excellence  of  the  former  is  not 
acknowledged,  its  claim  to  be  the  unique  expression 
of  the  divine  will  is  impugned.     Buddhism  is  set  up 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point      305 

as  a  legitimate  rival  of  Christianity,  and  efforts  are 
even  made  to  secure  it  a  foothold  in  Christian 
lands. 

It  is  this  narrow  and  imperfect  view  that  is  respon- 
sible in  part  for  the  futile  attempts  to  establish  the 
indebtedness  of  Christianity  to  Buddhism,  for  when 
the  incomparable  superiority  of  the  religion  of  Christ 
is  once  recognized,  there  is  little  reason  to  look  to  a 
religion  like  Buddhism  for  the  source  of  its  lofty 
teachings. 

Let  us  then  make  a  brief  review  of  Buddhism  from 
the  Christian  standpoint,  and  note  its  serious  short- 
comings. 

It  is  the  fashion  nowadays  to  oppose  to  the 
miracles  wrought  by  Christ  in  confirmation  of  His 
divine  mission,  the  wonderful  things  which  the  Bud- 
dhist scriptures  ascribe  to  their  religious  hero.  Not 
that  the  latter  are  held  to  be  true,  but  they  are  put 
forth  by  way  of  analogy  to  impair  the  miraculous 
credentials  of  Jesus.  It  is  argued  that  if  the  one  is  to 
be  trusted  as  a  divine  teacher  because  of  His  won- 
drous works,  the  other,  being  likewise  accredited  with 
miracles,  has  an  equal  right  to  confidence  and  faith. 

The  argument  is  utterly  sophistic,  for  the  reason 
that  there  is  no  parity  between  the  miracles  told  of 
Christ  and  those  ascribed  to  Buddha.  The  former 
are  of  a  character  in  every  way  worthy  of  one  who 
declared  Himself  to  be  the  Saviour  of  mankind,  and 
being  recorded  by   His  apostles  and  disciples,  who 

20 


306  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

were  constant  eye-witnesses  of  His  wonderful  works, 
are  beyond  the  suspicion  of  invention. 

While  there  is  thus  solid  reason  to  give  credence 
to  the  Gospel  narrative  of  the  miracles  of  Christ, 
there  is  no  ground  for  treating  the  alleged  miracles 
of  Buddha  as  other  than  idle  myths.  It  was  not  till 
centuries  after  Buddha's  death  that  they  found  a 
place  in  the  sacred  records,  and,  moreover,  the  vast 
majority  are  so  childish  and  stupid  as  to  bear  on 
their  face  the  stamp  of  their  fanciful  origin. 

The  extravagances  of  the  Lalita  Vistara,  the  prom- 
inent sacred  narrative  of  the  Northern  school,  would 
provoke  a  smile  in  most  children  of  even  tender  years. 
The  twelfth  chapter,  which  tells  of  the  exploits  of  the 
young  prince  Gotama  in  his  competition  with  other 
youths  for  the  hand  of  Gopa,  the  princess  of  marvel- 
lous beauty,  reads  like  a  tale  of  Munchausen.  Take, 
for  example,  the  well  known  elephant-incident.  A 
huge  white  elephant  is  being  led  into  the  city  as  a 
present  for  Gotama,  when  his  cousin,  Devadatta, 
filled  with  envy  and  proud  of  his  strength,  seizes  the 
trunk  of  the  monster  with  his  left  hand,  and  with  his 
right  gives  it  so  powerful  a  slap  as  to  knock  it  lifeless 
to  the  ground.  Sundarananda,  another  youthful  rival, 
happens  by.  He  takes  the  carcass  by  the  tail  and 
drags  it  unaided  outside  the  city-gate.  Then  comes 
Gotama,  riding  in  his  chariot.  Seeing  the  carcass 
so  near  the  city-gate,  a  threatening  source  of  stench 
by  its  inevitable  decay,  without  dismounting  from  his 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point      307 

chariot,  he  seizes  its  tail  with  the  toe  of  his  foot,  and 
hurls  it  several  miles  through  the  air,  so  that  in  the 
violence  of  its  fall,  it  makes  a  huge  depression  in  the 
ground,  known  henceforth  as  the  Elephant-ditch  ! 

What  a  contrast  between  the  dignified  wonders  of 
our  blessed  Saviour  and  the  following  display  of  power 
said  to  have  been  made  by  Buddha  to  confound  some 
doubting  heretics. 

"  Buddha  ascended  to  the  immense  road  which  he  had 
created  in  the  air  in  the  presence  of  the  crowd,  that  filled  a 
place,  of  eighteen  youdzanas  in  breadth  and  twenty-four  in 
length.  These  wonders  which  he  was  about  to  display,  were 
the  result  of  his  own  wisdom,  and  could  not  be  imitated  by 
anyone.  He  caused  a  stream  of  water  to  issue  from  the 
upper  part  of  his  body,  and  flames  of  fire  from  the  lower 
part,  and  on  a  sudden,  the  reverse  to  take  place  ;  again  fire 
issued  from  his  right  eye,  and  streams  of  water  from  his  left 
eye,  and  so  on  from  his  nostrils,  ears,  right  and  left,  in  front 
and  behind.  The  same  wonder,  too,  happened  in  such  a 
way  that  the  streams  of  fire  succeeded  the  streams  of  water, 
but  without  mingling  with  each  other.  Each  stream  in  an 
upward  direction  reached  the  seats  of  the  Brahmas  ;  each 
stream  in  a  downward  direction  penetrated  as  far  as  hell ; 
each  in  a  horizontal  direction  reached  the  extremities  of  the 
world.  From  each  of  his  hairs  the  same  wonderful  display 
feasted  the  astonished  eyes  of  the  assembled  people.  The 
six  glories  gushed,  as  it  were,  from  every  part  of  his  body, 
and  made  it  appear  resplendent  beyond  description.  Hav- 
ing no  one  to  converse  with,  he  created  a  personage,  who 
appeared  to  walk  with  him.  Sometimes  he  sat  down,  while 
his  companion  was  pacing  along ;  and  at  other  times,  he 
himself  walked,  whilst  his  interlocutor  was  either  standing  or 


308  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

sitting.  .  .  .  The  people  who  heard  him  and  saw  the  won- 
derful works  he  performed,  obtained  the  understanding  of 
the  four  great  principles."^ 

Lest  it  may  be  objected  that  these  tales  do  not  do 
justice  to  Buddhism,  being  drawn  from  the  later, 
legendary  writings,  let  us  note  one  or  two  examples 
taken  from  portions  of  the  sacred  canon  that  are 
reckoned  among  the  earliest  of  the  Buddhist  script- 
ures. 

The  Mahavagga  recounts  the  various  miracles,  all 
of  them  puerile,  that  Buddha  wrought  to  secure  the 
conversion  of  the  Brahman  ascetic  Uruvela  Kassapa 
and  his  five  hundred  followers.  The  first  wonder,  his 
triumphant  encounter  with  the  Naga  king,  a  venomous 
serpent  of  deadly  magical  power,  is  told  as  follows  : 

"  Then  the  Blessed  One  entered  the  room  where  the  fire 
was  kept,  made  himself  a  couch  of  grass,  and  sat  down  cross- 
legged,  keeping  the  body  erect  and  surrounding  himself  with 
watchfulness  of  mind.  And  the  Naga  saw  that  the  Blessed 
One  had  entered  ;  when  he  saw  that,  he  became  annoyed 
and  irritated,  and  sent  forth  a  cloud  of  smoke.  Then  the 
Blessed  One  thought :  '  What  if  I  were  to  leave  intact  the 
skin,  and  hide,  and  flesh,  and  ligaments,  and  bones,  and 
marrow  of  this  Naga ;  but  were  to  conquer  the  fire,  which 
he  will  send  forth,  by  my  fire.' 

"  And  the  Blessed  One  effected  the  appropriate  exercise 
of  miraculous  power  and  sent  forth  a  cloud  of  smoke.  Then 
the  Naga,  who  could  not  master  his  rage,  sent  forth  flames. 
And  the  Blessed  One,  converting  his  body  into  fire,  sent 
forth  flames.     When  they  both  shone  forth  with  their  flames, 

1  Bigandet,  Legend  of  Gautama,  I.  pp.  21S-219. 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point    309 

the  fire  room  looked  as  if  it  were  burning  and  blazing,  as  if  it 
were  all  in  flames.  And  the  Jathilas,  surrounding  the  fire 
room,  said  :  '  Truly,  the  countenance  of  the  great  Samana  is 
beautiful,  but  the  Naga  will  do  harm  to  him.' 

"That  night  having  elapsed,  the  Blessed  One,  leaving 
intact  the  skin  and  hide  and  flesh  and  ligaments  and  bones 
and  marrow  of  that  Naga,  and  conquering  the  Naga's  fire  by 
his  fire,  threw  him  into  his  alms-bowl,  and  showed  him  to  the 
Jathila  Uruvela  Kassapa  [saying],  '  Here  you  see  the  Naga, 
Kassapa  ;  his  fire  has  been  conquered  by  my  fire.' 

"  Then  the  Jathila  Uruvela  Kassapa  thought :  '  Truly,  the 
great  Samana  possesses  high  magical  powers  and  great  fac- 
ulties, in  that  he  is  able  to  conquer  by  his  fire  the  fire  of  that 
savage  Naga  king,  who  is  possessed  of  magical  power,  that 
dreadfully  venomous  serpent.  He  is  not,  however,  holy 
[araha]  as  I  am.'  "  ^ 

The  display  which  the  Sclasntta  ascribes  to  Buddha 
to  convince  the  Brahman  Sela  of  hisBuddhaship  is  as 
puerile  as  it  is  undignified.  Out  of  delicacy,  a  few 
portions  of  the  original  are  omitted. 

"Then  the  Brahmana  Sela  went  to  the  place  where 
Bhagavat  was,  and  having  gone  there  he  talked  pleasantly 
with  Bhagavat,  and  after  having  had  some  pleasant  and  re- 
markable conversation  with  him,  he  sat  down  apart,  and 
while  sitting  down  apart,  Sela,  the  Brahmana,  looked  for  the 
thirty-two  signs  of  a  great  man  on  the  body  of  Bhagavat. 
And  the  Brahmana  Sela  saw  the  thirty-two  signs  of  a  great 
man  on  the  body  of  Bhagavat  with  the  exception  of  two  ;  in 
respect  to  two  of  the  signs  of  a  great  man  he  had  doubts,  he 
hesitated,  he  was  not  satisfied,  he  was  not  assured  ...  as  to 
his  having  a  large  tongue. 

1  ,$■.  B.  £.  XII.  pp.  1 19-120. 


31  o  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

"  Then  this  occurred  to  Bhagavat :  '  This  Brahmana  Sela 
sees  in  me  the  thirty-two  signs  of  a  great  man,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  two  ;  in  respect  to  two  of  the  signs  of  a  great  man, 
he  has  doubts,  he  hesitates,  he  is  not  satisfied,  he  is  not  as- 
sured ...  as  to  my  having  a  large  tongue.'  .  .  .  Then 
Bhagavat,  having  put  out  his  tongue,  touched  and  stroked 
both  his  ears,  touched  and  stroked  both  nostrils,  and  the 
whole  circumference   of  his   forehead   he  covered  with  his 


tongue. 


>>  1 


A  religious  system  that  teaches  such  inanities  of  its 
founder,  betrays  at  once  the  superstitious  character 
of  the  minds  on  which  it  counts  for  its  preservation. 
Between  extravagances  like  these,  and  the  miraculous 
stories  in  the  Gospels,  there  is  but  the  remotest 
analogy. 

There  are  some,  indeed,  who  would  have  us  believe 
that  Buddhism  is  a  religion  of  enlightenment,  the 
enemy  of  ignorance  and  superstition.  This  judgment 
is  not  warranted  by  the  facts.  On  the  contrary.  Bud- 
dhism is  a  system  that  appeals  only  to  the  ignorant 
and  the  superstitious.  I  do  not  now  speak  of  the 
emasculated  Buddhism  of  writers  like  Dr.  Carus,  which 
is  nothing  more  than  a  polite  agnosticism  under  the 
thin  veil  of  Buddhist  terminology  ;  but  I  have  in  mind 
the  historic  teaching  of  Buddha. 

If  we  turn  to  the  fundamental  tenets  of  Buddhism, 
we  find  grave  defects  that  betray  its  inadequacy  to 
become  the  religion   of  enlightened    humanity,  and 

1  S.  B.  E.  X.  p.  loi. 


.  Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point     3  i  i 

that    bring    out   in   bold   relief  its   inferiority   to    the 
religion  of  Jesus  Christ. 

In  the  first  place,  the  very  foundation  on  which 
Buddhism  rests  —  the  doctrine  of  karma,  with  its  im- 
plied transmigration  ^  is  false  and  gratuitous.  Bor- 
rowed from  the  pantheistic  teaching  current  in 
Buddha's  day,  it  seems  to  have  been  accepted  from 
the  first  as  an  unquestionable  principle.  In  all  the 
Buddhist  scriptures,  there  is  not  a  passage  in  which 
its  demonstration  is  essayed.  This  pretended  law  of 
nature,  by  which  the  multitudinous  gods,  ghosts,  men, 
animals,  and  demons  are  but  the  transient  forms  of 
rational  beings  essentially  the  same,  but  forced  to  this 
diversity  in  consequence  of  their  varying  degrees  of 
merit  and  demerit  in  former  lives,  is  a  huge  supersti- 
tion in  flat  contradiction  to  atavism  and  the  other 
well-known  laws  of  heredity,  and  hence  rightly 
ignored  in  all  works  of  science.  Now  and  then  an 
irresponsible  voice  is  heard  proclaiming  the  harmony 
which  exists  between  this  doctrine  and  the  theory  of 
evolution.  But  it  is  hardly  part  of  biological  teach- 
ing that  a  good  (!)  rat  or  snake  may  succeed  in 
being  reborn  as  a  man  or  a  god.  Scientists  have  not 
yet  reached  that  state  of  imbecility  in  which  they 
think  they  see  in  the  manifold  forms  of  animal  life 
the  representatives  of  men  who  in  former  genera- 
tions did  not  live  up  to  the  dignity  of  their  human 
condition. 

Another   fundamental    defect   in    the    teaching   of 


312  Buddhism  and  Christianity- 

Buddha  is  its  failure  to  recognize  man's  dependence 
on  a  supreme  Lord  and  Creator,  while  retaining 
superstitious  belief  in  the  innumerable  devas  of  the 
Hindu  pantheon.  Buddha  lacked  the  penetration  of 
mind  to  enable  him  to  discern  in  these  deities  nothingf 
but  empty  names,  and  at  the  same  time  to  rise  to  the 
conception  of  the  Supreme  God,  towards  which  the 
more  thoughtful  of  the  Brahmans  were  groping. 
The  most  he  could  do  was  to  adopt  the  pantheistic 
view  prevalent  in  his  day,  that  these  gods,  though 
real,  were  powerless  to  effect  man's  eternal  welfare. 
By  ignoring  the  Supreme  God,  and  by  making  salva- 
tion to  rest  solely  on  personal  effort,  he  substituted 
for  the  Brahman  religion  a  cold  and  colorless  system 
of  philosophy.  For  that  can  scarcely  be  called  a 
religious  system  in  which  the  very  core  of  religion 
—  the  lively  sense  of  dependence  on  a  supernatural 
being —  is  lacking.  In  primitive  Buddhism,  no  provi- 
sion is  made  for  those  questionings  of  mind  and 
yearnings  of  heart  that  have  found  expression  in  the 
religious  utterances  of  almost  every  people.  It  is 
shorn  of  those  powerful  motives  to  right  conduct  that 
spring  from  the  sense  of  dependence  on  a  personal 
God  and  Father,  —  obedience,  love,  gratitude,  rever- 
ential fear,  feeling  of  confidence,  and  sense  of  divine 
assistance. 

Hence  it  is  that  Buddhist  morality  in  its  last  anal- 
ysis is  a  selfish  utilitarianism.  There  is  no  sense  of 
duty,  as  in  the  religion  of  Christ,  prompted  by  rever- 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point     3  i  3 

ence  for  the  Supreme  Law-giver,  by  love  for  the 
merciful  and  kind  Father,  by  personal  allegiance  to 
the  divine  Redeemer.  Karma,  the  basis  of  Buddhist 
morality,  is  like  any  other  law  of  nature,  the  observ- 
ance of  which  is  prompted  by  prudential  considera- 
tions. The  Buddhist  avoids  bad  conduct  for  the  same 
reason  that  he  avoids  contact  with  fire,  —  because  of 
the  disastrous  consequences.^  While  his  conscience 
undoubtedly  smites  him  for  doing  wrong,  yet  he  is  a 
stranger  to  the  sense  of  sin  whereby  the  erring  Chris- 
tian reproaches  himself  for  having  offended  the  all- 
good  God,  and  is  prompted  to  grief  and  the  seeking 
of  forgiveness.  The  Buddhist  scriptures  possess 
nothing  like  the  beautiful  Miserere  psalm,  which  has 
brought  comfort  to  so  many  contrite  hearts  through- 
out the  Christian  world. 

As  the  final  motive  in  Buddhism  for  shunning 
wickedness  is  to  escape  the  fancied  consequences 
of  vile  and  unhappy  rebirths,  so  the  final  motive  for 
the  practice  of  virtue  is  to  attain  either  to  the  eternal 

1  Rev.  R.  Spence  Hardy,  for  more  than  twenty-five  years  a  mis- 
sionary in  Ceylon,  says  on  this  point :  "  From  the  absence  of  a  supe- 
rior motive  to  obedience.  Buddhism  becomes  a  system  of  selfishness. 
The  principle  set  forth  in  the  vicarious  endurances  of  the  Bodhisat  is 
forgotten.  It  is  a  vast  scheme  of  profits  and  losses,  reduced  to  regu- 
lar order.  The  acquirement  of  merit  by  the  Buddhist  is  as  merce- 
nary an  act  as  the  toils  of  the  merchant.  .  .  .  The  disciple  of  Buddha 
is  not  taught  to  abhor  crime  because  of  its  exceeding  sinfulness,  but 
because  its  commission  will  be  to  him  a  personal  injury.  There  is  no 
moral  pollution  in  sin  ;  it  is  merely  a  calamity  to  be  deprecated,  or  a 
misfortune  to  be  shunned."     Manual  of  Budhism,  p.  507. 


314  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

Nirvana,  or  to  some  one  of  the  Brahman  heavens 
(Swarga),  where  for  a  long,  but  Hmited  period,  one 
may  enjoy  all  the  pleasures  of  sense  like  the  gods. 
To  the  gross  superstition  which  characterizes  this 
eschatology,  it  is  needless  to  call  attention.  But  it  is 
important  to  note  that  the  Nirvana  of  the  arhat,  as 
well  as  the  Swarga  of  the  less  perfect  Buddhist,  is  the 
object  of  interested  desire.  This  disposes  of  a  com- 
parison sometimes  made  between  Buddhist  and  Chris- 
tian eschatology  to  the  prejudice  of  the  latter.  Not 
infrequently  one  meets  the  assertion  that  Buddha  sur- 
passed Jesus  by  holding  out  to  struggling  humanity 
an  end  utterly  unselfish.  This  is  a  mistake.  Not  to 
speak  of  Swarga,  with  its  positive,  even  sensual  de- 
lights, the  fact  that  Nirvana  is  a  negative  ideal  of 
bliss  does  not  make  it  the  less  an  object  of  interested 
desire.  Far  from  being  an  unselfish  end,  Nirvana  is 
based  wholly  on  the  motive  of  self-love.  It  thus 
stands  on  a  much  lower  level  than  the  Christian  ideal, 
which,  being  primarily  and  essentially  union  of  friend- 
ship with  God  in  heaven,  appeals  to  motives  of  disin- 
terested as  well  as  interested  love.^ 

Another  fatal  defect  of  the  teaching  of  Buddha  is 
its  false  pessimism.  A  strong  and  healthy  mind 
revolts  against  the  morbid  view  that  life  is  not  worth 
living,  that  every  form  of  conscious  existence  is  an 

1  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  self-love  is  a  necessary  law  of  our 
being,  and  when  duly  regulated,  is  a  legitimate  motive  of  action.  It 
enters  into  the  purest  and  noblest  forms  of  friendship.  It  is  thus  not 
to  be  despised  because  it  is  not  the  highest  motive  of  human  conduct. 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point    3  i  5 

evil.  Buddhism  stands  condemned  by  the  voice  of 
nature,  whose  dominant  tone  is  one  of  hope  and  joy. 
Nor  can  it  be  retorted  with  fairness  that  the  Christian 
view  of  hfe  is  pessimistic  as  well.  Between  the  pes- 
simism of  Christianity  and  that  of  Buddhism,  there  is 
all  the  difference  in  the  world.  The  Christian  sees 
the  goodness  of  God's  creation  marred  by  sin  ;  he  is 
saddened  by  the  constant  struggle  between  his  good 
and  evil  impulses ;  he  knows  that  the  present  life  is 
incomparably  inferior  to  the  fulness  of  life  in  heaven 
which  God  has  in  store  for  them  who  love  Him;  and 
so,  while  thankful  for  the  present  life  with  its  admix- 
ture of  joy  and  sorrow,  he  has  his  heart  fixed  on  his 
abiding  home  in  heaven.  He  feels  that  it  is  good  for 
him  to  have  enjoyed  this  earthly  existence,  but  he 
looks  with  yearning  to  the  better  life  beyond.  On 
the  other  hand,  Buddhism  encourages  its  votaries  to 
look  upon  the  present  life  as  an  unmixed  evil.  It  is 
an  arraignment  of  nature  itself  for  possessing  that 
which  is  its  crown  of  honor,  the  perfection  of  rational 
life.  Its  highest  ambition  is  to  destroy  that  perfec- 
tion by  bringing  all  living  beings  to  the  unconscious 
repose  of  Nirvana.  Buddhism  is  thus  guilty  of  a 
capital  crime  against  nature. 

In  consequence  of  this  unnatural  pessimism,  the 
religion  of  Buddha  does  injustice  to  the  individual. 
All  legitimate  desires  must  be  repressed,  for  they  are 
held  to  be  evil.  Innocent  recreations  are  condemned  ; 
the  cultivation  of  music  is  forbidden  ;    researches  in 


316  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

natural  science  are  discountenanced  ;  the  development 
of  the  mind  is  limited  to  the  memorizing  of  Buddhist 
texts  and  the  study  of  Buddhist  metaphysics,  of  which 
only  a  minimum  is  of  any  genuine  value.  The  Bud- 
dhist ideal  on  earth  is  a  state  of  passive  indifference 
to  everything.  The  perfect  man  is  one  in  whom  all 
impulses  are  benumbed,  who  is  given  to  a  life  of 
dreamy  inactivity,  whose  highest  act  is  the  trance- 
like contemplation  of  the  negativeness  of  Nirvana. 
The  intended  result  of  Buddhist  discipline  is  the 
extinction  of  all  individuality. 

How  different  is  the  teaching  of  Him  who  came 
that  men  might  have  life  and  have  it  more  abundantly  ! 
Man's  perfection  consists  not  in  the  repression  of  all 
desires,  but  in  their  proper  control,  so  as  to  subserve 
the  harmonious  development  of  his  moral,  intellec- 
tual, and  physical  faculties.  Christianity  is  thus  in 
harmony  with  nature,  while  Buddhism  stunts  and  dis- 
torts the  growth  of  the  individual  by  its  unreasonable 
measures  of  restraint. 

Buddhist  pessimism  is  unjust  to  the  family.  Buddha 
inculcated  a  hearty  contempt  for  the  state  of  marriage. 
He  exhorted  his  fellow-men  to  shun  married  life  as 
they  would  avoid  a  pit  of  burning  coals.  The  pro- 
creation of  life  he  held  in  abhorrence,  since  life  was  a 
misery.  Only  to  those  who  devoted  themselves  to 
the  celibate  state  did  he  hold  out  the  hope  of  attain- 
ing at  death  to  Nirvana.  In  thus  branding  marriage 
as  a  state  unworthy  of  man,  Buddhism  betrays  its  in- 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point    317 

feriority  to  the  religion  of  Christ,  which  recommends 
virginity  as  a  higher  state  of  hfe,  but  at  the  same  time 
teaches  marriage  to  be  a  sacred  union,  a  source  of 
sanctification,  the  divinely  appointed  means  of  fulfil- 
ling the  law,  "  Increase  and  multiply." 

In  consequence  of  its  pessimistic  spirit,  Buddhism 
does  injustice  to  society  also.  It  has  set  the  seal  of 
approval  on  the  Brahman  prejudice  against  manual 
labor.  Since  life  is  not  worth  living,  to  labor  for  the 
comforts  and  refinements  of  civilized  life  is  a  waste  of 
energy.  And  so  industrial  occupations  are  held  in 
contempt.  The  perfect  man  is  not  to  live  by  the  labor 
of  his  hands,  but  on  the  alms  of  others.  Even  the 
practice  of  medicine  is  beneath  his  notice. 

In  the  religion  of  Christ,  the  "  carpenter's  son',"  a 
healthier  view  prevails.  The  dignity  of  labor  is  up- 
held, and  every  form  of  industry  is  encouraged  that 
tends  to  promote  man's  welfare. 

A  comparison  of  the  fruits  of  Buddhism  with  those 
of  Christianity,  brings  out  in  still  bolder  relief  the 
vast  superiority  of  the  latter. 

The  mistake  is  often  made  of  attributing  to  the 
religion  of  Buddha  a  more  successful  propagandism 
than  to  the  religion  of  Christ.  We  have  already  seen 
that  the  number  of  Buddhists,  far  from  comprising 
one  third  of  the  human  race,  is  in  reality  much  less 
than  the  number  of  Christians.^  But  even  if  Buddhism 
outranked   Christianity  in   number  of  adherents,  the 

1    Vide  supra,  p.  152. 


3  I  8  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

superiority  of  the  latter  as  a  world-religion  would 
remain  untouched.  Christianity  has  extended  its  im- 
mense conquests,  not  by  compromising  with  error 
and  superstition,  but  by  winning  souls  to  the  exclu- 
sive acceptance  of  its  saving  truths.  Wherever  it  has 
spread,  it  has  maintained  its  individuality. 

It  is  not  so  with  the  religion  of  Buddha.  Begin- 
ning as  a  religion  without  divine  worship,  it  lacked 
the  consistency  and  vitality  needed  to  secure  it  from 
the  elements  of  change.  Just  as  in  the  Northern 
school,  it  became  the  very  opposite  of  what  Buddha 
taught  to  men,  so  too  in  spreading  to  foreign  lands 
it  accommodated  itself  to  the  gross  superstitions  of 
the  peoples  it  sought  to  win.  In  Nepal,  it  has  adopted 
the  idolatrous  and  obscene  nature-worship  of  degen- 
erate Hinduism.  In  Tibet,  while  enriching  its  liturgy 
with  adaptations  from  Nestorianism,  it  has  not  scrupled 
to  give  its  sanction  to  degrading  shamanistic  observ- 
ances. In  like  manner,  the  Buddhism  of  China,  Mon- 
golia, Japan,  and  Assam  is  overlaid  with  superstitions 
peculiar  to  these  respective  countries.  It  would  be 
little  to  the  credit  of  the  religion  of  Christ  if  it 
spread  abroad  at  such  a  cost  as  this. 

Buddhism  has  but  little  to  show  in  comparison  with 
what  Christianity  has  accomplished  for  the  uplifting 
of  humanity.  One  of  its  most  attractive  features, 
which  unfortunately  has  become  well-nigh  obsolete, 
was  its  practice  of  benevolence  towards  the  sick  and 
needy.     Between  Brahmans  and  Buddhists  there  was 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point     3  1 9 

a  commendable  rivalry  in  maintaining  dispensaries 
of  food  and  medicine.  But  this  form  of  charity, 
excellent  in  its  way,  was  not  broad  enough  to  cover 
all  kinds  of  destitution.  It  did  not,  like  Christian 
charity,  extend  to  the  prolonged  nursing  of  unfortu- 
nates stricken  with  contagious  and  incurable  diseases, 
to  the  protection  of  foundlings,  to  the  bringing  up  of 
orphans,  to  the  rescue  of  fallen  women,  to  the  unflag- 
ging care  of  the  aged  and  insane.  Asylums  and 
hospitals,  in  this  sense,  are  unknown  to  Buddhism. 
The  consecration  of  religious  men  and  women  to  the 
lifelong  service  of  afflicted  humanity  is  a  purpose 
foreign  to  dreamy  Buddhist  monasticism.  In  the 
works  of  mercy  of  the  Vincentian  Sisters  of  Charity 
alone,  there  is  more  genuine  beneficence  than  in  the 
whole  range  of  Buddhist  activity. 

The  wonderful  efficacy  displayed  by  the  religion  of 
Christ  in  purifying  the  morals  of  pagan  Europe,  and 
transforming  its  heterogeneous  mass  of  humanity 
into  a  united  society  intolerant  of  polygamy,  con- 
cubinage, prostitution,  indiscriminate  divorce,  infan- 
ticide, slavery,  and  other  social  evils,  has  no  parallel 
in  Buddhist  annals.  Wherever  Buddhism  has  pre- 
vailed, it  has  proved  singularly  inefficient  to  lift  up 
society  to  a  high  standard  of  morality.  It  has  not 
weaned  the  people  of  Tibet  and  Mongolia  from  the 
cruel  custom  of  abandoning  the  aged,  nor  the  Chinese 
from  the  equally  cruel  practice  of  infanticide.  It  has 
not  touched  the  crying  evil  of  slavery  in  Tibet,  Mon- 


320  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

golia,  China,  Burma,  Assam,  Laos,  and  Siam.  Out- 
side the  order  of  nuns,  it  has  done  next  to  nothing 
to  raise  woman  from  her  state  of  degradation  in 
'oriental  lands.  Not  to  speak  of  polygamy  and  con- 
cubinage, which  are  openly  practised  in  all  Buddhist 
countries,  the  temporary  marriages  contracted  with- 
out disgrace  between  transient  foreigners  and  women 
of  Burma,  Tibet,  and  Mongolia,  the  prevalence  of 
polyandry  in  the  two  latter  countries,  the  shocking 
frequency  of  divorce,  and  the  light  estimate  put  on 
chastity  in  Ceylon,  Burma,  Laos,  Mongolia,  and  Tibet, 
bear  witness  to  the  utter  helplessness  of  Buddhism  to 
cope  with  the  moral  plagues  of  degenerate  humanity. 
The  reasons  for  this  impotence  are  not  far  to  seek. 
In  the  first  place,  as  has  been  pointed  out  above, 
Buddhism  is  lacking  in  the  strong,  inspiriting  motives 
to  right  conduct  that  are  the  glorious  possession  of 
the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ.  Another  reason  is  that 
it  has  concentrated  its  energy  on  the  small  circle  of 
its  monks  and  nuns,  while  the  laity,  aside  from  the 
routine  of  periodical  preaching,  have  been  left  to 
shift  for  themselves.  Lastly,  Buddhism  has  failed 
to  rise  to  the  recognition  of  monogamy  as  the  only 
proper  basis  for  society.  Like  all  religions  of  anti- 
quity, it  has  tolerated  in  lay  society  the  customs  of 
polygamy  and  easy  divorce.  While  holding  up  cel- 
ibacy as  the  only  proper  state  for  man,  and  while 
insisting  on  its  strict  observance  by  the  members  of 
his  order,  Buddha  looked  with  equal  indifference  on 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point     321 

the  monogamous  and  polygamous  practices  sanc- 
tioned by  Hindu  law.  The  assertion  now  and  then 
made  that  Buddha  abolished  polygamy,  is  as  untrue 
as  the  assertion  that  he  abolished  caste.  There  is  not 
a  single  text  in  the  whole  range  of  Buddhist  scrip- 
tures that  inveighs  against  the  abuses  of  polygamy 
and  indiscriminate  repudiation.  On  the  contrary, 
the  Buddha-legend,  while  proclaiming  the  sinlessness 
of  its  hero,  points  with  complacency  to  the  period 
in  his  early  manhood  when  he  lived  in  oriental  luxury 
surrounded  by  his  many  hundred  wives. ^  The  early 
Buddhist  scriptures  refer  to  the  extensive  seraglio  of 
their  pet  convert,  Bimbisara,  without  so  much  as 
hinting  any  derogation  on  his  part  from  the  standard 
of  conduct  befitting  a  royal  Buddhist  layman.^  The 
evidence  of  later  generations  indicates  no  progress 
towards  a  higher  view  of  marriage.  The  eighth 
Cohimn  Edict  of  Delhi  and  the  fragmentary  Edict 
of  the  Queen  go  to  show  that  the  great  Asoka  was 
a  polygamist.'^  The  bas-reliefs  of  the  Sanchi  and 
Amravati  topes  depict  Buddhist  nobles  diverting 
themselves  with  their  numerous  concubines.*  It  was 
owing    to    the    influence   of   his  two   Buddhist  wives 


'ts 


1  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist  Birth  Stories,  p.  75. 

-  Cf.  S.  B.  E.  XIII.  p.  191  ;    also  S.  B.  E.   XVII.  p.  180,  where 
his  wives  are  said  to  be  five  hundred. 

^  Cf.  Senart,  Les  Inscriptions  de  Piyadasi,  II.  pp.  92-93,   98,  103, 
271. 

*  Cf.  Fergusson,    Tree    and  Serpent   Worship,  plates  xxiv.,  Ixii., 
Ixix.,  bcxii.,  Ixxiii.,  Ixxxiv.,  and  xci. 

21 


322  Buddhism  and  Christianity 

that  the  king  of  Tibet  made  overtures  to  establish 
Buddhism  in  his  realm.  The  official  head  of  South- 
ern Buddhism  at  the  present  day,  the  king  of  Siam, 
exercises  without  scruple  his  privilege  of  maintaining 
a  harem. ^ 

In  the  face  of  this  appalling  arraignment,  it  is  a 
pity  that,  at  least  out  of  respect  for  its  noble  but 
misguided  founder,  the  extenuating  plea  could  not 
be  entered  that  the  Buddhist  order  of  monks  is  doing 
its  utmost  to  stem  the  evils  it  cannot  cure.  But  even 
this  plea  cannot  honestly  be  made.  The  consentient 
testimony  of  witnesses  above  the  suspicion  of  preju- 
dice establishes  the  lamentable  fact  that  Buddhist 
monks  are  everywhere  strikingly  deficient  in  that 
moral  earnestness  and  exemplary  conduct  that  dis- 
tinguished the  early  followers  of  Buddha.  Buddhism 
is  all  but  dead.  In  its  huge  organism  the  faint  pulsa- 
tions of  declining  life  are  still  discernible,  but  its 
power  of  activity  is  gone  never  to  be  restored.     A 

1  One  of  his  predecessors,  Chowfa  Monkiit,  who  was  a  Buddhist 
monk  till  he  ascended  the  throne  in  1S51,  was  able  within  the  short 
period  of  eleven  years  to  boast  that  he  was  the  sire  of  sixty- 
seven  children.  Cf.  Anna  H.  Leonowens,  The  Ens^lisk  Governess  at 
the  Siamese  Court,  Boston,  1870,  p.  59.  Besides  this  very  interesting 
work,  the  following  are  recommended  as  illustrating  the  state  of 
morality  in  Buddhist  lands,  fitienne  Aymonier,  Voyage  dans  le  Laos, 
2  vols.,  Paris,  1S95-97.  Robert  Knox,  Historical  Relation  of  the 
Island  of  Ceylon  (in  the  History  of  Ceylon,  London,  1817).  Robert 
Percival,  An  Account  of  the  Island  of  Ceylon,  London,  1S05.  M. 
Symes,  An  Account  of  an  Embassy  to  the  Kin<:dom  of  Ava  in  the  Year 
1795,  Edinburgh,  1827.  W.  W.  Rockhill,  The  Land  of  the  Lamas 
New  York,  1891. 


Buddhism  from  Christian  View-point     323 

human  and  imperfect  work,  it  is  destined  to  go  the 
way  of  all  things  human.  The  spread  of  European 
civilization  over  the  benighted  East  will  cause  its 
inevitable  extinction. 

Such  being  the  system  that  glories  in  the  name  of 
Buddha,  we  need  not  share  the  empty  fears  of  a  few 
timid  souls  who  look  with  alarm  on  the  recent  futile 
attempts  to  secure  a  following  for  Buddhism  in  Chris- 
tian lands.  So  long  as  the  human  mind  retains  its 
power  of  discriminating  judgment,  Christianity  has 
nothing  to  fear  from  Buddhism.  It  will  benefit,  not 
suffer,  by  the  comparison.  To  abandon  the  wisdom 
of  Christ  for  the  vagaries  of  Buddha  would  be  as 
unreasonable  as  to  prefer  husks  to  bread,  to  turn 
from  the  pure  stream  of  the  fountain  to  the  fetid 
water  of  the  stagnant  pool,  to  grope  in  the  night  by 
the  flame  of  the  candle  rather  than  to  walk  securely 
in  the  full  light  of  day.  Between  the  claims  of  Jesus 
and  those  of  Buddha  it  is  easy  to  make  the  proper 
choice.  To  Him  who  is  in  truth  the  Light  of  the 
world  every  man  of  sense  will  turn,  repeating  the 
words  of  the  great  apostle,  "  Lord,  to  whom  shall  we 
eo?     Thou  hast  the  words  of  eternal  life." 


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II.   BIOGRAPHIES  OF  BUDDHA  BASED   ON 
LEGENDARY  TEXTS 

H.  Alabaster,  The  Wheel  of  the  Law.  Buddhism  Illus- 
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Edwin  Arnold,  The  Light  of  Asia.     London,  1879. 

R.  S.  Hardy,  A  Manual  of  Budhism  in  its  Modern 
Development.     London,  i860. 

W.  W.  Rockhill,  The  Life  of  the  Buddha.    London,  1884. 

Mary  Sumner,  Histoire  du  bouddha  Sakya-mouni  depuis 
sa  naissance  jusqu'a  sa  mort.     Paris,  1874. 

III.   GENERAL  TREATISES   ON   BUDDHISM 

H.  Alabaster,  The  Wheel  of  the  Law.      (  Vide  supra) . 
A.    Barth,  The    Religions    of   India;    Translated  by  J. 
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Louis  de  la  Vall^e  Poussin,  Bouddhisme.  £tudes  et 
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Mrs.  E.  a.  Reed,  Primitive  Buddhism,  its  Origin  and 
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J.  P.   MiNAYEFF,   Recherches  sur  le  bouddhisme.     Paris, 

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F.  Max  Muller,  Chips  from  a  German  Workshop.  New 
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Leon  de  Rosny,  La  morale  du  bouddhisme.  Paris,  1891. 
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E.  WiNDiscH,  Mars  und  Buddha.     Leipzig,  1895. 

B  —  Historical  and  Literary. 
I .    A irhceo logical. 

George  Buhler,  The  Asoka  Inscriptions  at  Dhauli  and 
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A.  Cunningham,  Coins  of  Ancient  India.     London,  1891. 

A.  Cunningham,  Coins  of  the  Indo -Scythians.  London, 
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London,  1849.     Lect.  xi. 


Index 


Alasadda  (in  Mahavansa)  not  Alex- 
andria of  Egypt,  2S4. 

Amita,  a  Chinese  Buddhist  deity, 
147. 

Amitabha.  136,  146,  149. 

Ananda,  Buddha's  favorite  disciple, 
78  ff.,  267. 

Ancestor-worship,  Brahman,  6,  26. 

Arhat,  Buddhist  saint,  124. 

Asceticism,  Brahman,  21-22,  27-30; 
Buddhist,  no,  1 17. 

Asita,  the  Buddhist  Simeon,  71,  203. 

Asita-story  possibly  of  Christian  origin, 
302. 

Asoka,  138  ff.;  edicts  of,  139,  140. 
(See  Edict). 

Asvaghosa,  162,  163. 

Baptism  of  Jesus  without  a  Buddhist 

parallel,  247. 
Bardesanes,  a  witness  to  early  spread 

of  Christianity  to  Bactria,  294. 
Bartholomew's   labors  in  India,  295- 

296. 
Beatitudes,  Christian  independent   of 

Buddhist,  263. 
Beneficence,  Buddhist   and  Christian 

compared,  iii,  319. 
Bhagavat,  epithet  of  Buddha,  67. 
Bharhut  stupa,  date  and   sculptures, 

214. 
Bhikkhuni,  Buddhist  nun,  125, 
Bhikkhu,  Buddhist  monk,  11 1. 
Bimbisara  not  the  prototype  of  Herod, 

244. 
Birth   of   Christ  and  that  of  Buddlra 

compared,  202. 


Bodhisattva,  136. 

Bodhi-tree,  73,  134,  235,248,  261. 

Book  of  the    Great  Decease,    76,  84, 

161. 
Buddha,  not  a  social   reformer,    113- 

114;  not  an  atheist,  130. 
Buddha  Charita,  155  ;  date  of,  163. 
Bitddhavansa,  date  of,  169. 
Buddhism  tolerant  towards    Brahman 

worship,    131 ;  powerless  to  reform 

society,     319-320;     degeneracy    of 

modern,  322. 
Buddhist    propagandism     inferior    to 

Christian,  317-318. 
Bunsen,  false  statements  of,  177,  178, 

204,  216,  236,   237,  242,   245,   247,  ' 

254. 

Caste-system,  Brahman,  16-1S;  not 

abolished  by  Buddha,  113. 
Catholicism  not  indebted  to  Lamaism, 

229-231. 
Chastity  exacted  of  Brahman  student, 

22;  of  Buddhist  monk,  105,  loS. 
Chinese  Buddhism,  145  ff. 
Chinese  pilgrims,  145-146. 
Christmas  not  the  birthday  of  Buddha, 

242-243. 
Chunda,  76-79,  253. 
Confession  of  sins,  Brahman,  8,   14 ; 

Buddhist,  121-122. 
Cosmas,  a  witness  to  the  existence  in 

India  of   Christian  churches  in  the 

sixth  century,  296. 
Council  of  Kashmir,   144;    of    Patna, 

141,    157-158:    of    Rajagriha,    137; 

of  Vaisali,  138. 


346 


Index 


Dalai-Lama,  149. 

Devadatta,    the   Buddhist  Judas,   75, 

267. 
Devanampiya,  epithet  of  Asoka,  140. 
Dhammapada,  104,  107. 
Dhyani-Buddha,  149. 
Dipavansa,  date  of,  155. 

Earthquake  at  Buddha's  death,  82. 
Edict,   Bhabra,    158;    second   Girnar, 

271  ;    fifth   Girnar,   276;    thirteenth 

Girnar,  279. 
Edicts  of  Asoka,  139-140. 
Essenes  not  Buddhists,  193-195. 
Ethics,    Brahman,    39  ff.;    Buddhist, 

103  ff.,  313. 

Fa  Hien,  Chinese  pilgrim,  146,  151. 

Fast  of  Jesus  compared  with  that  of 
Buddha,  204. 

Fig-tree  in  Gospel  not  an  echo  of  the 
the  Buddha-legend,  248-249. 

Food-restrictions,  Brahman,  34-35 ; 
Buddhist,  117-118. 

Po-pcn-hing-king,  162. 

Fo-pen-hing-tsan-king,  1 68. 

Po-pen-h  ing-tsih-ki>ig,  167. 

Forgiveness  of  injuries,  in  Brahman- 
ism,  40-41  ;  in  Buddhism,  106. 

Fousa  Kwanyin,  a  Chinese  Buddhist 
deity,  147. 

Genealogy  of  Christ  not  a  Buddhist 
suggestion.  216. 

Gift  of  tongues,  late  date  of  Buddhist 
story,  222. 

Gondophares,  Indo-Bactrian  king,  con- 
temporary with  St.  Thomas,   291- 

293- 

Gospels  beyond  possibility  of  Bud- 
dhist influence,  270-273. 

Guru,  Brahman  teacher,  19. 

Heaven  of  Brahmanism  a  feature  of 

popular  Buddhism,  102. 
Hell,    Brahman,     11,   12;    Buddhist, 

76,  92. 


Herod-story  unlike  that  of  Bimbisara, 

244. 
Hinayana,  the  Little  Vehicle,  137. 
Hiouen  Thsang,  Chinese  pilgrim,  146, 


Initiation    into     Brahmanism, 

into  Buddhist  order,  115-116. 
I-Tsing,  Chinese  pilgrim,  146. 


19; 


Jamalgiri  sculptures  evidence  of 
early  Christian  influence  in  the  Pan- 
jab,  29S-299. 

Jesus  not  an  Essene,  192. 

John  the  Baptist  not  an  Essene,  193. 

Joyous  element  in  pantheistic  Brah- 
manism, 56;  in  Buddhism,  loi. 

Kanishka  (Kanerkes),  143,  163,  212, 
213. 

Karma,  Brahman  notion,  13 ;  Bud- 
dhist, 92 ;  belief  in  karma  wrongly 
ascribed  to  the  apostles,  250-251; 
its  superstitious  character,  311. 

Lalita  Vistara,  155,  216,  218;  date 
of,  163-166. 

Lamaism,  149;  its  points  of  resem- 
blance with  Catholicism,  150,  229- 
230 ;  its  alleged  influence  on  Cath- 
olicism a  fable,  230-231. 

Last  Supper  of  Jesus  without  a  Bud- 
dliist  parallel,  253. 

Lillie,  false  statements  of,  1S3,  1S4, 
185,  186,  1S8,  1S9,  223,  228,  238, 
241,  242,  247,  253. 

Lotus  of  the  True  La-a\  155,  225, 
250  ;  date  of,  227. 

Lumbini,  birthplace  of  Buddha,  66. 

Mahaparinibbana  Sutta,  see  Book  of 

the  Great  Decease. 
Mahavansa,  141,   142,  155,   213,   277, 

2S4  ;  date  of,  141. 
Mahayana,    the   Great    Vehicle,    136, 

137.213- 
Mahinda-story,  dubious  character  of, 

142. 


Index 


347 


Maitreya  (Metteyya),  135,  235,  236. 

Malabar  Christians,  296-297. 

Manual  labor  not  honored  in  Brahman- 
ism,  T,y  ;  nor  in  Buddhism,  iii,  317. 

Mara,  lord  of  death  and  pleasure,  72- 
74,  204-207. 

Marriage,  Brahman  view,  22  ff. ;  Bud- 
dhist view,  109. 

INIaya,  the  unreal  world  of  sense,  51. 

Maya,  mother  of  Buddha,  69;  not  a 
virgin,  237-239. 

Meditation,  Brahman,  30 ;  Buddhist, 
123-124. 

Metteyya,  devotion  to,  135. 

Milinda  Panha,  date  of,  155. 

Miracles  of  Christ  untouched  by  the 
alleged  marvels  of  Buddha,  305-309. 

Mito,  a  Chinese  Buddhist  deity,  147. 

Monotheistic  tendency  of  Vedic  belief, 

5.  45- 
Multiplication  of  food,  late  origin  of 

Buddhist  story,  222. 

Nestorianism  in  the  far  East,  150, 
299-300. 

Nidana  Kathn,  date  of,  16S. 

Nirvana,  meaning  of,  94-100;  a 
heaven  of  delights  in  later  Buddhism, 
136  ;  a  selfish  ideal,  314. 

Noviciate,  Buddhist,  114. 

Number  of  Buddhists  greatly  exagger- 
ated, 152, 

Occupations  reprobated  by  Brah- 
nians,  37-38  ;  by  Buddhists,  118. 

Pant.enus,  early  Christian  mission- 
ary to  India,  294-296. 

Paravana,  122. 

Patimokkha,  Buddhist  confession- 
formula,   121,   156. 

Penances,  Brahman,  14,  30,  36. 

Pessimism,  Brahman,  54  ;  Buddhist, 
SS-89;  criticism  of  Buddhist  notion, 

3'5- 
Pilgrimages,  Buddhist,  133. 

Pitris,  worship  of,  6,  26. 

Piyadasi,  epithet  of  Asoka,  140. 


Ploughing-match,  story  of,  not  the 
source  of  the  story  of  the  lost  child, 
Jesus,  246. 

Polygamy  allowed  in  Brahmanism, 
23  ;  in  Buddhist  lay  society,  321. 

Prayer-wheels,  Tibetan,  149. 

Pre-existence  of  Christ  contrasted  with 
the  alleged  pre-existence  of  Buddha, 
199. 

Presentation  of  Jesus  in  the  temple 
not  a  fable  derived  from  Buddhism, 
216-218;  in  strict  accord  with  Jew- 
ish custom,  2 1 7-2 1 S. 

Prodigal  son,  Gospel  story  not  of 
Buddhist  origin,  225-227. 

Questions  of  King  Milinda^  date  of, 
155- 

Rebirth,  popular  Brahman  view,  13; 

pantheistic      Brahman     view,     52; 

Buddhist  view,  92. 
Relics  of  Buddha,  veneration  of,  133. 
Resurrection   not  a   Buddhist   notion, 

255- 

Retribution  after  death,  Vedic  and 
Brahman  belief,  6,  11-12;  Bud- 
dhist, 76,  92,  102. 

Romantic  Legend  of  Sakya-Biiddha, 
date  of  Chinese  version,  167. 

Sacrifice,  its  importance  in  popular 

Brahmanism,  8. 
Saddharma-pundarika,  155  ;  date  of, 

227. 
Samt  Thomas'  labors  in  Parthia  and 

India,  290-293. 
Sakya-muni,  epithet  of  Buddha,  66. 
Sakya-sinha,  epithet  of  Buddha,  67. 
Sanchi-sculptures  not  prechristian,  214. 
Savitri-prayer,  10,  20,  21. 
School-scene  in  the  Gospel  of  the  In- 
fattcy  probably  not  Buddhist  origin, 

218-221. 
Separation  of  Northern  from  Southern 

Buddhism,  21  3. 
Siddhattha,  epithet  of  Buddha,  66. 


348 


Index 


Simeon  and  Asita  compared,  203 ; 
greater  antiquity  of  Gospel  story, 
302. 

Sin,  Buddhist  view  deficient,  313. 

Si-ngan-fu,  ancient  Christian  monu- 
ment of,  299. 

Soul,  Buddhist  view  of,  97. 

Sraddha,  Brahman  feast  for  the  dead, 
26. 

Star  in  the  East  without  a  Buddhist 
parallel,  240-241. 

Stupa,  Buddhist  relic-mound,  83. 

Subhadda,  Buddha's  last  convert.  Si. 

Suddhodana,  father  of  Buddha,  66. 

Sugata,  epithet  of  Buddha,  67. 

Suicide  condemned  by  Buddhism,  105. 

Sukhavati,  paradise  of  Northern 
Buddhism,  136,  146. 

Sung  Yun,  Chinese  pilgrim,  146. 

Swastika  a  pre-Buddhist  symbol,  233. 

Tathagata,  epithet  of  Buddha,  67; 
wrongly  identified  with  Jewish 
"habba,"  245. 

Temptation  of  Jesus  compared  with 
that  of  Buddha,  205-209. 

Therapeuts  not  Buddhists,  194. 

Thoughts,  their  importance  m  ethics 
of  Brahmanism,  40-41  ;  of  Bud- 
dhism, 104-105. 

Tibetan  Buddhism,  148. 

Ti-pitaka,  155;  age  of,  exaggerated, 
156-161. 

Total  abstinence,  Brahman,  36  ;  Bud- 
dhist, 105. 

Transfiguration  of  Jesus  imperfectly 
paralleled  in  Buddhism,  209. 


Triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem  with- 
out a  Buddhist  parallel,  252. 

Upaniskads,  47. 

Upasaka,  Buddhist  layman,  126. 

Vassa,  rainy-season,  period  of  Bud- 
dhist retreat,  123. 

Veda,  threefold,  g. 

Vedas,  oral  teaching  of,  19;  prolonged 
study  of,  21  ;  recited  daily  by  Brah- 
man, 26. 

Vehicle,  Great,  136,  137,  213  ;  Little, 

137. 
Vihara,  Buddhist  monastery,  119. 
Vows   of    Brahman    ascetic,    31  ;    of 

Brahman  student,  22  ;  of  Buddhist 

monk,  105,  115. 

Woman,  Brahman   estimate  of,    24; 

Buddhist,    121. 
Writing  in  India,  219-220. 

Yama,  6,  136. 

Yasas  not  the  prototype  of  Nicodemus, 
251-252. 

Yasodhara,  the  principal  wife  of  Bud- 
dha, 71. 

Yavana,  true  meaning,  142-143. 

Yavanas,  Bactrian  and  Parthian 
Greeks,  276-27S. 

Yona-loka,  term  for  Bactria,  277-278. 

Yoga,  Brahman  contemplation,  30. 

Zarmanochegas  not  a  Buddhist, 
2S6,  287, 


THESES 


QUAS 


AD    DOCTORATUM 


IN 


SACRA   THEOLOGIA 


Apud  Universitatem  Catholicam  Americae 


CONSEQUENDUM 


PUBLICE    PROPUGNABIT 


CAROLUS   FRANCISCUS  AIKEN,  S.  T.  L. 


DIEBUS   XXVII.    ET   XXVIII.    NOVEMBRIS.    A.D.    MDCCCC. 


THESES 
I. 

"  Nulla  quideiu  theologum  inter  et  physicuiii  vera  dissensio  inter 
cesserit,  dum  suis  uterque  finibus  se  contineat."  i 

11. 
Miniine  efificacia  sunt  argumenta contra  spiritualeni  aniniae  iiaturam 
peti  solita  ex  intiino  eo  nexu  cerebrum  inter  et  intellectuni  vigente 
quo  fit  Lit  laeso  cerebro  laedatur  et  facullas  intellectual  s. 

III. 
Religionem    esse    subjectioneni    Deo    voluntariam    in    cognitione 
dependentiae    nostrae  fundatani,  ex  eis  quae  in  religionis    conceptu 
continentur     parumper     attendenti    patebit;     ideoque    non     solum 
voluntatis,  sed  etiam  intellectus  et  cordis  actus  implicare. 

IV. 

A  vero  deficiunt    definitiones  illae  onines  quibus  Kant,  Schleier- 

macher,   Hegel,   Plchte    et    Mill  religionis  essentiam    ex])rimi    autu- 

marunt. 

V. 

Buddhismus  primitivus,  cum  hominem  ex  ente  supernaturali  jjendere 

deneget,  non  est  proprie  dicta  religio. 

VI. 
Euhemerismus,  systenia  scilicet  illud  quod  mythologiam  ex  historia 
derivari  autumat,  impar  est  religionis  origini   funditus  explicandae. 

VII. 

Ortuni    duxisse   religionem  ab  idea  infiniti    utpote    a  Max  Midler 
concept!  minime  admittendum. 

.VIII. 
The  attempt  of  Herbert  Spencer  to  explain  all  forms  of  religion 
as  developments  of  a  mistaken  ancestor-worship  is  scientifically  un- 
sound. 

IX. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  look  upon  fetishism  as  a  distinct  and  elementary 
form  of  religion. 

1   Leo  XIII,  Prov.  Dens. 


X. 

Religion    is    the    natural    and    legitimate    outcome    of    the    use    of 
reason. 

XI. 
The  universality  of  religion  can  not  reasonably  be  called  in  doubt. 

XII. 
It  is  incorrect  to  hold  with  Tylor,  Tirinton,  and  other  anthropolo- 
gists that  the  moral   standard  recognized    by  uncivilized  peoples  is 
devoid  of  all  religious  sanction. 

XIII. 
Penance  for  sin  can  be  shown  to  have  been  an  important  element 
in  the  religious  life  of  not  a  few  heathen  peoples. 

XIV. 
Non-revealed    religions,    while    upholding    the    recognized    moral 
standard,  have  often  been  a  hindrance  rather  than  a  help  to  moral 
advancement. 

XV. 
Primitive  Buddhism  can  not  fairly  be  adduced  as  an  example  of 
high  morality  maintained  without  religious  sanction. 

XVI. 

Belief  in  the  efficacy  of  prayer  is  not  at  variance  with  the  estab- 
lished truths  of  modern  science. 

XVII. 
Resemblances  in  different  religions  do  not  always  imply  identity 
of  origin. 

XVIII. 
Positive  revelation,  far  from  being  impossible,  commends  itself  to 
the  unprejudiced  mind  as  antecedently  probable. 

XIX. 

Hysteria  religionis  revelatae  nullum  praebent  obstaculum  validum 
quin  pro  vera  accipiatur. 

XX. 

Miracula  non  sunt  deneganda  quasi  naturae  legibusque  naturali- 
bus  adversantia,  ideoque  impossibilia, 


5 

XXI. 

The  notion  that  miracles  are  not  instances  of  the  special  interven- 
tion of  G(jd  in  nature,  but  rather  extraordinary  effects  due  to  the 
operation  of  certain  occult  forces  of  nature  divinely  determined  to 
this  end  from  the  very  beginning  of  creation,  does  not  merit  a]5- 
proval. 

XXII. 

The  evidential  value  of  miracles  is  not  made  void  by  the  possi- 
bility of  demoniacal  wonders. 

XXIII. 
Revelationem  primis  parentibus  factam  fuisse  e  pluribus  fontibus 
eruitur. 

XXIV. 
There  is  a  fair  degree  of  probability  in  the  view  that  the  legends 
of  widely   distant   peoples   concerning  a  former  golden  age  are  the 
inherited  reminiscences  of  the  primitive  Paradise. 

XXV. 

The  tendency  to  monotheism  existing  in  almost  all  religions  is 
probably  a  relic  of  primitive  revelation. 

XXVI. 

The  world-wide  belief  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  may  be  safely 
takeu  as  a  relic  of  primitive  tradition. 

XXVII. 

The  existence  of  flood-legends  in  the  folk-lore  of  many  peoples  is 
a  strong  testimony  to  the  historical  character  of  the  Bible  account 
of  the  Deluge. 

XXVIII. 

The  assertion  that  Judaism  derived  its  eschatology  from  Zoroas- 
trianism  lacks  solid  foundation. 

XXIX. 

The  positive,  internal  criteria  of  revelation,  when  rightly  applied  to 
Christianity,  create  a  strong  presumption  in  favor  of  its  divine 
origin. 

XXX. 

The  Diatessaron  of  Tatian  bears  reliable  testimony  to  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  four  Gosj^els. 


XXXI. 

The  apostolic  origin  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  of  Mark  is 
made  good  by  the  testimony  of  Papias. 

XXXII. 

From  internal  evidence  it  can  be  made  plain  that  the  author  of 
the  fourth  Ciospel  was  a  Palestinian  Jew,  of  the  circle  of  Christ's 
intimate  disciples. 

XXXIII. 

A  critical  examination  of  John  xix,  35,  and  xxr,  24,  is  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  author  of  the  fourth  fiospel  was  John,  the  son  of 
Zebedee. 

XXXTV. 

The  apostolic  origin  of  the  Gospels  precludes  the  possibility  of 
their  being  contaminated  with  mythical  elements  drawn  from  Buddh- 
ism. 

XXXV. 

The  theory  that  the  Gospel  stories  of  Christ's  miraculous  concep- 
tion and  birth  are  of  LSuddhist  origin  is  absolutely  untenable. 

XXXVI. 

No  serious  argument  can  be  drawn  from  the  Buddha-legend  against 
the  Gospel  teaching  of  the  virgin-motherhood  of  Mary. 

XXVII. 

The  story  of  the  temptation  of  Christ  has  no  historical  connection 
with  the  somewhat  similar  story  related  of  Buddha. 

XXXVIII. 

Tlie  Gospel  story  of  the  man  born  blind  is  wrongly  taken  to  imply 
belief  in  the  Buddhist  doctrine  of  karma. 

XXXIX. 

The  attempt  to  prove  that  Jesus  was  an  Essene  must  be  set  down 
as  utterly  futile. 

XL. 

Qui  miraculis  a  Christo  patratis  thauniaturgiam  Buddhae  ascrip- 
tam  Solent  opponere  operam  casse  navant. 


XLI. 
The  miraculous  cures  wrought  by  Christ  do  not  admit  of  the  ex- 
planation that  they  are  relative  miracles  only,  i.  e.,  effects  produced 
naturally  through  a  knowledge  of  nature's  laws  not  possessed  by 
His  contemporaries  but  within  the  grasp  of  later  generations  en- 
lightened by  scientific  progress. 

XLII. 
Christus  Dominus  natus  est  ex  Maria  virgine. 

XLIII. 
Ex  sui  ipsius  testimonio  Christum  verum  esse  Deum  invictissime 
comprobatur. 

XLIV. 
The  reality  of  Christ's  resurrection  is  conclusively  established  by 
the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  four  Gospels. 

XLV. 
Even  without  the  aid  of  the  Gospel  narrative,  the  Epistles  of  .St. 
Paul  to  the  Romans,  to  the  Corinthians,  and  to  the  Galatians,  which 
are   admitted   even   by  rationalists  to   be   genuine,  are  sufficient  to 
prove  that  our  Lord  rose  from  the  dead. 

XLVI. 
The  religion  of  Buddha  is  incomparably  inferior  to  the  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

XLVII. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  hold  that   Buddhism  has   propagated  itself  with 
greater  success  than  Christianity. 

XLVIII. 

Ad  essentiam  ecclesiae  a  Christo  fundatae  pertinet  auctoritas  mag- 

isterii. 

XLIX. 

Christus    ecclesiam    suam  ita  instituit  ut  usque    ad  finem    mundi 

officio  suo  fungatur  ab  omni  errore  immunis. 

L. 

"  Is  sensus  sacrorum  dogmatum  perpetuo  est  retinendus  quern 
semel  declaravit  sancta  Mater  Ecclesia,  nee  unquam  ab  eo  sensu, 
altioris  intelligentiae  specie  et  nomine,  recedendum."  ^ 

'  Con.  Vatic.  Const.  Dei  Fiiius,  cap.  4. 


8 


LI. 
Discrimen  inter  clericos  et   laicos  est  juris  divini. 

LII. 
Sacerdotium  vere  et   proprie    dictum   Christus   in   ecclesia  sua  in- 
stitiiit. 

LTII. 
Verbis  Mattliaei  xvi,  i8,  probatur  Cliristum  Petro  apostolo  imme- 
diate contulisse  primatum  jurisdictionis. 

LIV. 
F-loinanuni   Pontificem  primatum  in  ecclesia  primis  saeculis  exer- 
cuisse  probatur. 

LV. 
Summus   Pontifex  vi  potestatis   propriae   et  ordinariae  a  qualibet 
lege  ecclesia^tica  dispensare  potest. 

LVI. 

Licet   in  ecclesia  episcopatus  a  Christo   Domino  institutus  fuerit, 
eorum  tamen  jurisdictio  a  Romano  Pontifice  immediate  procedit. 

LVIL 
It  is   a  gross  error   to  maintain    that   the  Christian   observance  of 
Sunday  had  its  source  in  the  cult  of  Mithra. 

LVIII. 
The  monastic  discipline  of  Christianity,  while  strikingly  similar  to 
that  of  liuddhism,  is  of  independent  origin. 

LIX. 

The  attem|)t  to  trace  certain  features  of  Catholicism  to  Lamaism 
is  a  perversion  of  historic  truth. 

LX. 
The   connection   alleged   by  some   between    the  Essenes  and  the 
Buddhists  is  a  pure  fiction. 

LXL 
Buddhism,  far  from  being  an    original  creation,  is   in  great  part  a 
derivation  from  Brahminism. 

LXII. 
The  edicts  of  Asoka  afford  no  conclusive  evidence  of  the  spread 
of  Buddhism  in  his  day  as  far  as  the  Greek-speaking  world. 


Lxin. 

It  is  very  jjrobable  that  the  separation  of  the  Norlheiii  from  the 
Southern  Buddhists  was  occasioned  by  the  conquest  of  Northern 
India  by  Kanishka  in  78  a.  d. 

LXIV. 
There  is  strong  historical  evidence  in  support  of  the  tradition  that 
the    Apostle   Thomas    evangelized    Parthia,   ISactria  and  Northwest 
India. 

LXY. 

The  Jamalgiri  sculptures  point  unmistakably  to  the  presence  of 
Christian  influences  in  the  Panjab  as  early  as  the  fifth  century. 

LXVI. 

The  Nestorian  monument  of  Si-ngan-fu  affords  incontestable  proof 
of  the  presence  of  Christianity  in  China  in  the  first  half  of  the 
sevttnth  century. 

LXVII. 
Cultus  hyperduliae  beatae  Mariae  virgini  exhibitus  rectae  ration! 
principiisque  revelatis  omnino  convenit. 

LXVIII. 
Veneratio,  quae   iniagini    Christi   crucifi.xi   juxta   pra.xim  ecclesiae 
solet  exhiberi,  procul  dubio  legitima  est  censenda. 

LXIX. 

The  Catholic  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  is  a  characteristic  feature 
of  prnnitive  Christianity. 

LXX. 

The  observance  of  the  Lord's  day  dates  from  apostolic  times. 

LXXI. 

Christus  apostolis  eorumque  successoribus  potestatem  contulit 
peccata  remittendi. 

LXXII. 

Ad  sacramentum  poenitentiae  valide  ministrandum  requiritur  po- 
testas  non  solum  ordinis  sed  etiam  jurisdictionis. 


lO 


LXXllI. 
Contritio    motivo    caritatis    perfectae    concepta    peccatorem    Deo 
reconciliat  ante  absolutionem. 

LXXIV. 

Contrahentes  sunt  ministri  sacramenti  matrimonii. 

LXXV. 

Jus  sodalitia   formandi   quibus   conditiones  laboris   aequiores  ob- 
tineantur,  opificibus  negari  non  potest. 


Vidit  Sacra  Facultus, 

Carolus  p.  Grannan,  S.  T.  D.,  p.  t.  Decanus. 
Joannes  T.  Creagh,  J.   C.   D.,   p.  t.  a   Secretis. 

Vidit  Rector  Univeisitatis, 

THOMAS  J.  COXATY,  S.  T.  D. 
Doviiis  Pontificalis  Praes2il. 


Date  Due 

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IN  U.  S.  A. 

